EXCHANGE 


•7  :    x. 


A  PROBABLE  ITALIAN  SOURCE 


OF 


SHAKESPEARE'S  "JULIUS  C£SAR' 


BY 

ALEXANDER  BOECKER,  PH.D. 

FOR    IN     n  JL    TRAINING  HIGH    SCHOOL,  BROOKLYN,  NEW    YORK 


ro  mi.  FACULTY  OF  NEW  YORK  UNIVERSITY  IN 
PARTIAL  i  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR 

mi.  1  )i-:<, RI  i-;  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


NEW  YORK 
1913 


I  L    C  B  S  A  R  E 


T  R  A  G  E  D  I  A 

D'GKLANDQ    PESCETTi 


SERENISS.    PRINCIPE 

ALFONSO    11. 


IN     VERONA, 

Nclla  Stampana  diGirolamo  Difccpolo 
M  D  XCiiii. 


A  PROBABLE  ITALIAN  SOURCE 


OF 


SHAKESPEARE'S  "JULIUS  CESAR' 


BY 

ALEXANDER  BOECKER,  PH.D. 

INSTRUCTOR    IN   THE   MANUAL   TRAINING  HIGH   SCHOOL,  BROOKLYN,  NEW   YORK 


SUBMITTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  NEW  YORK  UNIVERSITY 
PARTIAL  FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR 
THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


NEW  YORK 
1913 


PRESS  OF 

THE  NEW  ERA  PRINTING  COMPANY 

LANCASTER.  PA. 


PREFACE 

This  monograph  was  submitted  to  the  Faculty  of  New 
York  University  in  partial  fulfillment  of  the  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  and  was  accepted 
by  them  in  May,  1912.  Its  composition  was  prompted  chiefly 
by  a  desire  to  call  attention  to  the  long  forgotten  work  of 
Orlando  Pescetti,  because  it  is  at  least  an  open  question 
whether  Shakespeare  derived  from  the  "Cesare"  of  the 
Italian  dramatist  many  hints  which  he  later  used  in  his  own 
"Julius  Caesar."  Pescetti's  drama  seems  to  have  been 
entirely  overlooked  as  a  possible  source,  although  the  many 
striking  similarities  to  Shakespeare's  tragedy  render  it  well 
worth  investigating.  I  believe  that  the  present  work  is 
the  first  attempt  to  demonstrate  the  possible  relation  between 
the  two  dramas. 

"Cesare"  seems  to  be  the  only  play  on  the  subject  which 
has  not  been  exhaustively  examined.  The  only  notices  in 
English  with  which  I  am  acquainted  appeared  in  letters 
published  in  the  Nation,  June  2  and  9,  1910,  while  this  work 
was  in  process  of  preparation.  The  first,  by  Miss  Lisi  Cipriano, 
called  attention  to  some  marked  similarities  in  expression 
and  treatment  between  the  two  dramas.  In  reply,  two 
letters  appeared  the  following  week:  one  from  Professor 
Harry  Morgan  Ayres  of  Columbia  University,  the  other 
from  Professor  Henry  N.  McCracken  of  Yale.  Neither 
seemed  to  regard  the  parallels  cited  by  Miss  Cipriano  as 
indicative  of  direct  borrowing  on  the  part  of  Shakespeare. 
Professor  Ayres  had  previously  in  the  June,  1910,  number  of 
the  "American  Modern  Language  Association  Publications " 
been  the  first  to  make  any  mention  of  Pescetti  in  relation 
to  Shakespeare.  In  his  article,  "Shakespeare's  Julius  Caesar 
in  the  Light  of  Some  other  Versions, "  he  called  attention  to 
some  parallels,  without,  however,  attaching  to  them  any 
particular  significance. 

The  above  writers  seem,  however,  to  have  missed  the 
really  vital  points  of  contact  between  the  two  dramas.  These, 
I  trust,  will  become  sufficiently  evident  in  the  following  pages. 

iii 


IV 

Pescetti  has  been  no  more  fortunate  in  his  Continental 
critics.  The  mere  mention  of  his  name  from  Tiraboschi  on 
is  all  one  finds  till  Emilio  Bertana,  in  his  "La  tragedia" 
(1904),  gives  a  brief  analysis  and  critique  of  the  play.  Fer- 
dinando  Neri,  in  his  "La  tragedia  italiana  nel  Cinquecento" 
(1904)  has  a  brief  mention,  but  none  of  his  countrymen  have 
ever  discussed  Pescetti 's  drama  as  a  possible  Shakespearean 
source.  It  seems  unknown  to  French  and  German  critics. 

Owing  to  the  absence  in  America  of  material  bearing  upon 
Pescetti,  I  was  compelled  to  base  my  study  upon  a  very 
carefully  executed  transcript  of  the  1594  edition  of  "Cesare" 
now  in  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  Centrale  of  Florence. 
Through  the  courtesy  of  Professor  Ay  res,  I  have  been  enabled 
carefully  to  check  all  quotations  by  reference  to  his  own 
copy  of  the  1594  edition.  The  references  to  "Julius  Caesar" 
are  to  the  Globe  Edition.  The  copy  of  Lydgate  referred  to 
is  in  the  Library  of  Columbia  University,  while  the  quota- 
tions from  Ovid  are  taken  from  Golding's  1575  translation 
in  the  Yale  University  Library.  To  the  latter  I  am  also 
indebted  for  the  extracts  from  the  1578  translation  of  Appian- 
The  references  to  Plutarch  are  to  Professor  Skeats'  edition. 

To  Mr.  Emilio  Bruschi  of  Florence  I  am  indebted  for  his 
careful  transcriptions  of  documents,  and  to  Professor  Salomone 
Morpurgo,  the  head  librarian  of  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale, 
for  his  courtesy  in  putting  the  available  material  contained 
therein  at  my  disposal.  To  Professor  Harry  Morgan  Ayres 
I  wish  to  express  my  thanks  for  permitting  me  to  use  his 
copy  of  "Cesare."  To  Professor  Theodore  F.  Jones  and 
Mr.  Arthur  H.  Nason  of  New  York  University  I  owe  many 
valuable  suggestions  regarding  the  arrangement  of  subject 
matter.  My  many  obligations  to  Professor  M.  W.  MacCal- 
lum's  "Shakespeare's  Roman  Plays  and  their  Background," 
and  to  Professor  F.  H.  Sykes'  edition  of  "Julius  Caesar" 
are  in  evidence  throughout. 

I  am  above  all  indebted  to  my  colleague,  Dr.  Edoardo 
San  Giovanni,  for  his  kind  help  and  encouragement,  without 
which  this  work  would  probably  never  have  been  consum- 
mated. 

ALEXANDER  BOECKER. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 
INTRODUCTION i 

Purpose  of  Thesis — The  Prologue  of  "Cesare" — Synopsis  of  its  Plot 
— Its  Senecan  Characteristics — The  Dramatis  Personae — Persons  Com- 
mon to  both ' '  Cesare  "  and  "  Julius  Caesar ' ' — The  Relation  of ' '  Cesare ' ' 
to  its  Predecessors — Contemporary  Notice  by  Beni — The  Material 
derived  from  Classical  Sources  used  by  both  Shakespeare  and  Pes- 
cetti — Appian,  Pescetti's  Main  Source — Pescetti  the  Source  of  the 
Historical  Matter  in  "Julius  Caesar"  not  traceable  to  Plutarch. 

CHAPTER  II 
THE  INFLUENCE  OF  APPIAN 12 

Passages  in  Shakespeare  traceable  to  Appian — The  Parallel  Passages 
in  Pescetti — The  Speech  of  Brutus  and  the  Oration  of  Antony  with 
the  Parallels  in  the  Fifth  Act  of  Pescetti — The  Exclamations  of  the  Mob 
in  both  Dramas — The  Behavior  of  the  Conspirators  immediately  after 
the  Murder. 

CHAPTER   III 
THE  HANDLING  OF  THE  SUPERNATURAL  ELEMENT 25 

The  Parallelism  in  General  Treatment — The  Use  of  Ghosts — The  Por- 
tents and  Prodigies — Parallels. 

CHAPTER   IV 
THE  BRUTUS-CASSIUS  SCENES.  . . 41 

The  Brutus-Cassius  Scenes — The  Debate  Concerning  Antony — Details 
peculiar  to  both  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare — Comparison  with  Muretus 
and  Grevin — Similarity  in  the  Sequence  of  Scenes  following  the  Debate 
— The  Lena-Caesar  Episode — The  Parallel  Use  of  Suspense. 

CHAPTER  V 
THE  CHARACTER  OF  CAESAR 57 

Peculiarities  of  Shakespeare's  Delineation — The  Influence  of  Medieval 
Conception  of  the  Character — Pescetti's  Treatment — His  Appreciation 


VI 

of  Caesar's  Nobler  Qualities — Their  Submergence  in  the  Action  and  his 
Emphasis  of  Caesar's  Weaknesses — Caesar's  Susceptibility  to  Flat- 
tery, his  Pride,  his  Boastfulness,  his  Vacillation — Reasons  for 
Pescetti's  Delineation — The  Parallels  in  Shakespeare's  Treatment 
— Caesar's  Relative  Inferiority  in  the  Action — His  Spiritual  Domina- 
tion of  the  Tragedy. 

CHAPTER  VI 
THE  CHARACTER  OF  BRUTUS 76 

The  Moral  Elevation  of  the  Hero,  and  the  Reason  therefor — 
Parallel  in  Content  in  a  Brutus-Cassius  Scene — Brutus  as  a  Leader — 
Pescetti's  Conception  of  the  Character — Brutus'  Lack  of  Foresight — 
His  Sense  of  the  Justice  of  his  Cause — Lack  of  Definite  Causes  of 
Resentment  against  Caesar — Parallelism  to  Shakespeare. 

CHAPTER  VII 
THE  OTHER  CHARACTERS 96 

Antony — Pescetti's  Conception — Parallels  in  Shakespeare — The  Bru- 
tus-Portia Scenes — Their  Historical  and  Critical  Importance — Pescetti's 
Delineation  of  Portia — Her  Place  in  the  Action — Details  Common 
only  to  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare — Calpurnia — Striking  Parallel  be- 
tween one  of  her  Speeches  and  one  by  Cassius  in  Shakespeare — The 
Remaining  Characters. 

CHAPTER  VIII 
"  CESARE  "  IN  ENGLAND no 

Pescetti's  Work  known  in  England — Probable  use  by  Sir  William  Alex- 
ander in  the  Composition  of  "The  Tragedy  of  Julius  Caesar" — The 
Evidence — Parallels  between  "Cesare"  and  Alexander's  Work — 
Shakespeare's  Knowledge  of  the  Work — The  Two  Part  Nature  of 
"Julius  Caesar" — Jonson's  assumed  Collaboration — Shakespeare  and 
Italian. 

CHAPTER  IX 
CONCLUSION 121 

Pescetti's  Drama  an  Improvement  on  its  Senecan  Predecessors — Its 
Particular  Value  to  the  Literary  Historian — Summary  of  the  Argument 
— Conclusion. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY.,  ..126 


INTRODUCTION 

I  intend  in  this  monograph  to  demonstrate  the  probability 
of  Shakespeare's  indebtedness  in  the  composition  of  the 
first  three  acts  of  his  "Julius  Caesar,"  to  the  "Cesare"  of 
Orlando  Pescetti,  an  Italian  tragedy  on  the  same  theme, 
first  published  at  Verona  in  1594.* 

This  connection  has  never  yet  been  demonstrated.  The 
work  seems  almost  totally  unknown  to  the  English  literary 
world. f  Shakespearean  criticism,  eager  to  investigate  the 
smallest  matters  in  regard  to  the  great  poet,  is  silent  on 
Pescetti.  I  know  of  no  French  or  GermanJ  references.  In 
Italy,  Pescetti  has  received  scant  notice;  few  writers  have 
so  much  as  mentioned  "Cesare,"  while  not  one  has  made  any 
suggestion  as  to  a  possible  connection  between  this  play  and 
"Julius  Caesar."§ 

*  A  second  edition  followed  in  1604  from  the  same  press  (Girolamo  Dis- 
cepolo)  in  4°. 

This  is  exceedingly  rare;  the  only  copy  which  I  have  traced  is  in  the  Bib- 
lioteca  Marciana  in  Venice.  I  use  the  1594  text,  following  the  copy  in  the 
Biblioteca  Nazionale  Centrale  at  Florence. 

f  The  only  reference  in  English  with  which  I  am  acquainted  is  by  Harry 
Morgan  Ayres  in  the  June,  1910,  number  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Am.  Modern 
Language  Association.  In  his  article,  "Shakespeare's  Julius  Caesar  in  the 
Light  of  some  other  Versions"  he  makes  a  brief  mention  of  this  play.  But 
see  Preface. 

t  A  careful  search  of  the  forty  volumes  of  Jahrbticher,  published  by  the 
"Deutsche  Shakespeare  Gesellschaft",  failed  to  reveal  any  mention  of  Pes- 
cetti. A  search  of  the  registers  of  the  very  complete  collection  of  German 
literary  periodicals  contained  in  the  library  of  New  York  University  was 
equally  unproductive. 

§  For  a  brief  sketch  of  Pescetti  see  G.  B.  Gerini,  Gli  scrittori  pedagogic! 
italiani  nel  secolo  decimo  settimo.  1900.  In  addition  to  the  above  the  fol- 
lowing are  the  only  works  known  to  me  which  mention  Pescetti's  "Cesare": 

Fonte,  Michelangelo,  [Paolo  Beni],  II  Cavalcanti,  1614. 

Quadrio,  Fr.  Saverio,  Delia  storia  e  della  ragione  d'ogni  poesia,  1739- 

Fontanini,  Giusto,  Biblioteca  dell'eloquenza  italiana  con  le  annotazioni 
del  Sig.  Apostolo  Zeno,  1753. 

Allaci,  Leone,  Drammaturgia,  1755. 

vii 


Vlll 

The  inscription  upon  the  title  page  of  the  1594  edition  is 
as  follows : 

II  Cesare 

Tragedia 

d'Orlando  Pescetti 

Dedicata 

al  Sereniss.     Principe 

Donno  Alfonso  II.  d'Este 

Duca  di  Ferrara,  etc. 

(Device) 

In  Verona 

Nella  stamparia  di  Girolamo  Discepolo 
MDXCIIII 

Pescetti 's  work  is  in  quarto,  and  consists  of  six  pages  of 
dedicatory  matter,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  pages  of  verse, 
for  the  most  part  hendecasyllabic  varied  with  septenarians. 
In  the  tragedy  proper  there  are  nearly  four  thousand  lines. 

The  author  in  his  dedication  establishes,  to  his  own  satis- 
faction at  least,  the  descent  of  the  family  of  Este  from  the 
mighty  Julius,  and  ventures  the  belief  that  Brutus  and  Cassius, 
though  they  could  not  abide  Caesar's  rule,  would  rejoice  in 
Alfonso's.  At  the  end  of  several  pages  of  this  sort  of  flattery 
we  read:  "Di  Verona  il  di  19  di  Febraio  1594.  Di  V.A.S. 
Divotiss.  et  umiliss.  Servitore  Orlando  Pescetti." 

Tiraboschi,  Girolamo,  Storia  della  letteratura  italiana,  1822. 

Ginguene,  P.  L.,  Histoire  Litteraire  d'ltalie,  1824. 

De  Sanctis,  Natale,  G.  Cesare  e  M.  Bruto  nei  poeti  tragici,  1895. 

Salvioli,  Bibliografia  universale  del  teatro  drammatico  italiano,  1903. 

Bertana,  Emilio,  La  tragedia,  1904. 

Neri,  Ferdinando,  La  tragedia  italiana  nel  Cinquecento,  1904. 

Flamini,  Francesco,  A  History  of  Italian  Literature.  Translated  by  Evan- 
geline  O'Connor,  1907. 

Of  the  above  only  Bertana  has  more  than  a  brief  mention.  He  alone  attempts 
an  analysis  of  the  play. 


THE  PLOT  OF  "CESARE" 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  persons  in  the  drama,  called 
by  Pescetti,  "Interlocutor!." 

Marte  1 

Venere  >  Fanno  il  Prologo 

Giove   J 

Bruto 

Cassio 

Sacerdote 

Porzia  moglie  di  Bruto 

Calpurnia  moglie  di  Cesare 

Cameriera  di  Calpurnia 

Cesare 

Marc 'Antonio  Console 

Decimo  Bruto 

Lenate 

Messo  Primo 

Messo  Secundo 

Coro  di  Matrone  Romane 

Coro  di  Donne  di  Corte 

Coro  di  Cittadini 

Coro  di  Soldati 

The  tragedy  proper  is  preceded  by  a  prologue  in  which 
Mars,  Venus,  and  Jove  are  the  actors.  Pescetti,  probably 
following  Ovid's  account  in  Book  XV.  of  the  "Metamor- 
phoses," represents  Venus  as  bewailing  the  destined  death  of 
Caesar,  the  last  of  her  earthly  descendants.  Mars  extends 
his  consolation  and  proffers  his  aid.  She  informs  him  that 
Jove  is  responsible,  and  indulges  in  a  denunciation  of  the 
Thunderer  that  must  have  made  his  celestial  ears  tingle. 
All  further  discussion  of  the  matter  is  terminated  by  the 
appearance  of  the  Father  of  the  gods,  who  reproves  Venus 
for  her  blasphemous  utterances,  assures  her  that  his  ways  are 
inscrutable,  and  consoles  her  by  promising  Caesar  immortality 


among  the  gods,  and  the  infliction  of  dire  punishment  upon 
his  assassins.  Venus  bows  to  his  will,  and  impatient  Mars 
hurries  at  Jove's  command  to  sow  the  seeds  of  civil  strife 
throughout  the  Roman  world. 

This  Prologue  is  a  literary  curiosity.  Its  style  is  at  times 
more  reminiscent  of  the  madrigal  than  of  tragedy,  while  the 
very  earthly  flavor  which  clings  to  the  celestial  personages  is 
decidedly  humorous  to  the  modern  reader.  Pescetti  un- 
doubtedly was  in  grim  earnest  when  he  wrote  the  Prologue, 
but  many  of  the  sentences  he  puts  in  the  mouths  of  his  im- 
mortals must  have  made  Melpomene  smile.  The  admonition 
of  Venus  to  Mars  on  omniscient  Jove's  approach,  "Ma  e'  vien 
ver  noi,  tacciam,  ch'egli  non  ci  oda, "  despite  its  Renaissance 
setting,  is  delightful  for  its  sheer  absurdity. 

The  tragedy  follows  immediately  after  this  prologue.  In 
view  of  the  extreme  length  of  Pescetti 's  work  and  the  lack 
of  interest  for  our  purpose  in  many  of  the  speeches,  I  have 
thought  it  advisable  not  to  inflict  upon  the  reader  an  extended 
synopsis  of  the  plot,  but  to  confine  my  efforts  to  the  following 
outline  of  the  story. 

ACT  I 

The  scene  is  not  stated,  but  is  evidently,  throughout  the 
play,  an  open  space  before  a  temple  in  the  vicinity  of  Caesar's 
house.  The  time  is  just  before  dawn.  Brutus  is  discovered 
apostrophizing  the  shade  of  Pompey.  He  vows  to  deliver 
Rome  from  the  tyrant.  Cassius  overhears  him,  and  commends 
this  resolution.  Brutus  relates  how  the  ghost  of  Pompey 
had  appeared  to  him  during  the  past  night  and  commanded 
him  to  restore  the  ancient  liberties.  Together,  they  enter 
the  temple  to  pray  for  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  The 
Priest  now  appears,  deplores  the  prevalent  irreligion,  urges 
the  observance  of  the  ancient  rites,  and  then  goes  to  prepare 
the  sacrifice  commanded  by  the  Dictator.  Brutus  and 
Cassius  reappear  and  discuss  their  plans.  Cassius  strongly 
favors  the  killing  of  Antony  along  with  Caesar.  This  Brutus 
will  not  tolerate,  in  spite  of  the  many  forceful  arguments  of 
his  fellow  conspirator.  He  abruptly  terminates  the  discussion 


by  detailing  the  manner  of  Caesar's  murder.  As  he  concludes, 
Portia  enters  in  search  of  Brutus.  She  deplores  that  her  sex 
prevents  her  taking  an  active  part  in  the  conspiracy.  She 
begs  to  be  favored  with  their  confidence.  Cassius  hesitates, 
but  finally  divulges  their  plans,  and  beseeches  her  to  aid  the 
enterprise  with  her  prayers.  This,  rather  reluctantly,  she 
promises.  Brutus,  who  has  taken  no  part  in  this  conversation, 
now  bursts  into  an  ecstatic  speech  wherein,  in  imagination, 
he  already  hears  the  rejoicing  which  the  news  of  the  tyrant's 
death  will  cause  among  Rome's  noblest  families.  He  advises 
Portia  to  return  home  while  he  and  Cassius  go  to  join  the  other 
conspirators.  Portia  invokes  the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  them, 
and  the  act  concludes  as  the  Chorus  of  Matrons  implores 
the  intercession  of  Romulus  to  restore  to  the  city  its  former 
peace  and  happiness. 

ACT  II 

Calpurnia  and  her  nurse  indulge  in  the  inevitable  lengthy 
and  tiresome  discussion  concerning  the  former's  terrible 
dream.  The  ghost  of  Caesar,  horrible  with  wounds,  had 
appeared  to  her  that  night.  Almost  half  the  act  is  devoted 
to  Calpurnia's  expression  of  grief  and  to  her  nurse's  fruitless 
efforts  at  consolation.  The  Chorus  declaims  the  fickleness 
of  mankind,  whereupon  Brutus  and  Portia  reappear.  The 
former,  believing  that  his  wife  has  wounded  herself  in  some 
domestic  labor,  reproves  her  for  turning  her  hands  to  such 
work.  She  tells  him  that  she  has  wounded  herself  to  prove 
that  she  could  commit  suicide  were  her  death  necessary.  She 
fears  that  her  husband  may  perish  in  his  attempt  against 
Caesar  and  has  resolved  to  restrain  him.  This  dialogue, 
filled  with  mutual  protestations  of  love  and  constancy,  is 
terminated  by  the  appearance  of  Calpurnia,  whose  perturbed 
countenance  prompts  them  to  overhear  her.  Calpurnia,  in  a 
long  and  tiresome  speech,  condemns  the  desire  of  men  for 
dominion  over  others  as  the  cause  of  all  their  sufferings.  The 
nurse  interjects  the  usual  advice  and  consolation.  Calpurnia 
voices  her  determination  to  persuade  Caesar  to  abandon  his 
contemplated  visit  to  the  Senate.  Brutus  petitions  Jove  to 


steel  the  tyrant's  heart  to  the  appeals  of  his  wife.  Portia 
retires  to  pray  for  her  husband's  success,  while  he  goes  to 
rejoin  Cassius  and  the  others  in  the  plot.  The  Chorus  sings 
the  mutability  of  human  happiness,  and  the  act  ends. 

ACT  III 

Caesar  and  Antony  indulge  in  a  lengthy  dialogue  which  is 
started  by  the  observations  of  the  former  regarding  the  banquet 
at  the  house  of  Lepidus  the  preceding  evening.  Caesar,  ably 
seconded  by  Antony,  enlarges  upon  his  glories.  His  compan- 
ion warns  him  against  treachery,  and  advises  a  bodyguard. 
Caesar  scorns  those  who  would  harm  him,  but  resolves  after 
this  day  to  be  surrounded  by  some  of  his  trusty  veterans. 
He  orders  Antony  to  prepare  for  the  Parthian  campaign. 
Here  follows  a  soliloquy  by  Antony,  in  which,  in  contrast  to 
Calpurnia,  he  exalts  the  pleasures  of  rulership.  He  intends 
so  to  contrive  that  in  the  event  of  Caesar's  death  he  can  seize 
the  reins  of  government.  Hereupon  the  Priest  in  the  longest 
speech  in  the  play  recites  the  many  and  various  portents 
which  have  lately  occurred.  As  he  concludes,  Caesar  and 
Calpurnia  join  him,  and  another  long  scene  ensues  in  which 
Caesar  stands  firm  against  all  the  arguments  brought  forward 
to  dissuade  him.  He  is  resolved  to  go  to  the  Senate,  and  the 
scene  is  brought  to  an  end  by  a  final  warning  from  the  Priest. 
The  Chorus  sings  the  direful  results  following  the  disregard 
of  religion. 

ACT  IV 

Brutus  and  Cassius  discuss  the  probability  of  a  detection  of 
their  plot.  It  seems  that  Lenate,  evidently  not  of  their 
number,  had  approached  Brutus  and  whispered  his  good 
wishes  for  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  Brutus  and  Cassius 
engage  in  a  dialogue  concerning  liberty,  but  are  interrupted 
by  the  appearance  of  Decimus  Brutus,  who  laments  the  per- 
versity of  fortune.  It  seems  that  Caesar  has  yielded  to  Cal- 
purnia's  entreaties  and  will  stay  at  home.  Worse  still,  on 
the  morrow  he  will  appear  with  his  bodyguard.  Marcus 
Brutus  feels  that  Jove  will  yet  favor  their  designs.  Caesar 


enters  and  condemns  those  as  fools  who  are  guided  by  the 
advice  of  women.  Nevertheless,  as  he  fears  treachery,  he 
has  resolved  to  heed  the  entreaties  of  his  wife.  He  indulges 
in  a  panegyric  of  himself.  The  conspirators  now  approach, 
and  Marcus  Brutus  addresses  him,  inquiring  his  reasons  for 
not  attending  the  important  session  of  the  Senate.  Caesar 
is  in  doubt  as  to  the  manner  of  his  reply.  The  prayers  of  his 
wife,  he  asserts,  have  influenced  him.  Besides,  he  has  reason 
to  fear  treachery.  Decimus  Brutus,  by  artfully  playing  on 
his  vanity,  succeeds  in  overcoming  his  doubts.  Caesar 
resolves  to  attend  the  Senate.  Marcus  Brutus  can  hardly 
find  words  fit  to  sing  the  praises  of  Jove,  who  has  inspired 
this  determination  in  the  tyrant's  heart.  The  conspirators 
indulge  in  pious  prayers  and  felicitations.  Caesar,  Cal- 
purnia  and  Decimus  Brutus  are  the  persons  in  the  next 
scene.  Caesar  tells  Calpurnia  that  her  entreaties  are  vain; 
now,  as  formerly,  the  gods  will  protect  him.  She  bows  to 
his  will.  Decimus,  in  another  useless  speech,  continues 
his  laudation  of  Caesar  and  the  belittlement  of  his  fears. 
Caesar  at  length  starts  for  the  Senate.  He  is  detained  by 
Lenate  who  addresses  him,  to  the  great  consternation  of  the 
conspirators,  who  fear  the  revelation  of  their  plot.  Lenate 
begs  a  favor  of  Caesar,  which  the  latter  is  disposed  to  grant. 
The  increasing  panic  of  the  conspirators  is  stayed  by  Brutus, 
who  has  watched  Lenate  and  feels  confident  that  he  is  not 
talking  of  the  plot.  At  the  conclusion  of  Lenate's  address 
Caesar  departs  for  the  Senate,  and  Lenate  joins  the  conspir- 
ators and  assures  them  of  his  silence.  In  the  concluding 
scene  Calpurnia  breaks  into  lamentations  while  the  Chorus 
of  Ladies  of  the  Court  comments  upon  her  distress  and  be- 
seeches Juno  to  turn  aside  her  wrath  and  spare  Caesar. 

ACT  V 

Brutus  addresses  the  citizens  and  announces  the  death  of 
the  tyrant.  He  calls  on  all  to  rejoice  in  their  reestablished 
freedom,  while  the  conspirators  shout  the  glad  tidings.  This 
is  his  last  appearance.  The  rest  of  the  act  is  devoted  to  the 


lamentations  of  Calpurnia,  the  report  of  the  catastrophe  by 
the  First  and  the  Second  Messenger,  and  the  comments  of  the 
various  Choruses. 

Pescetti's  tragedy,  as  will  readily  be  seen  from  this  state- 
ment of  its  plot,  is  thoroughly  Senecan  in  its  construction  and 
perpetuates  some  of  the  worst  faults  of  its  type.  The  dra- 
matic unities  are  strictly  observed ;  there  are  the  same  lengthy 
speeches,  the  same  moralizing,  the  same  absence  of  action 
evolved  before  the  spectator,  the  same  lack  of  life  charac- 
teristic of  this  dramatic  form.  The  actors  soliloquize,  con- 
verse, declaim,  listen;  they  do  everything  but  act.  Their 
exits  and  their  entrances  constitute  the  total  of  visible 
action.  Deeds  are  carefully  excluded,  or  relegated  beyond 
the  stage;  the  declamatory  powers  of  messengers,  the  com- 
ments of  the  Chorus,  and  the  speeches  and  conduct  of  the 
actors  are  relied  upon  to  vitalize  them  in  the  imagination  of 
the  audience. 

Of  characterization,  in  the  Shakespearean  sense,  there  is 
very  little.  It  would  be  easy  to  dismiss  the  whole  matter. 
A  careful  search  is  necessary  to  locate  those  passages  wherein 
Pescetti  displays  any  decided  flashes  of  dramatic  power  in 
his  characterizations.  Yet  there  are  times  when  he  attempts, 
and  in  a  measure  successfully,  to  provide  adequate  motivation 
for  the  speeches  of  his  characters;  but  unfortunately,  these 
are  rather  few  and  far  between.  He  almost  invariably 
locates  these  places  in  such  a  rank  rhetorical  jungle  that  it 
requires  considerable  care  to  discover  them.  Yet  he  reveals 
at  times  a  true  dramatic  instinct  in  his  choice  of  material  and 
in  the  handling  of  certain  situations.* 

But  the  force  of  convention  was  too  strong  for  him  success- 
fully to  resist  its  insidious  influences.  Following  in  the 
footsteps  of  his  contemporaries,  he  spins  his  drama  out  to 
some  four  thousand  lines,  ninety-nine  percent  of  which  are 
versified  prose  and  the  remainder  dubiously  poetic.  Never- 

*  In  parts  of  the  Brutus-Cassius  dialogue  in  the  first  act;  in  his  attempted 
contrast  of  Calpurnia  and  Portia;  in  his  inclusion  of  the  portents;  and  above 
all,  in  the  scene  wherein  Lenate  addresses  Caesar,  and  the  ensuing  panic  among 
the  conspirators. 


theless,  compared  with  the  crudities  of  Giraldi  (Cinthio),  or 
the  revolting  horrors  of  Sperone  and  Cresci,  Pescetti's  work 
marks  an  advance  in  Italian  drama. 

The  dramatis  personae  common  both  to  Shakespeare  and 
Pescetti  are  Julius  Caesar,  Mark  Antony,  Marcus  Brutus,  Cas- 
sius,  Decius  Brutus,  Popilius  Lena,  Calpurnia  and  Portia. 
Pescetti  calls  Decius,  Decimo,  and  Popilius  Lena,  Lenate.  In 
addition,  the  Italian  mentions  incidentally  Casca,  Cimber,  Tre- 
bonius  and  Cicero.  Of  the  others  occurring  in  Shakespeare, 
there  is  no  trace.  Pescetti,  however,  introduces  two  new  charac- 
ters :  the  Servant  or  Nurse  to  Calpurnia  and  the  Priest.  The 
former  is  one  of  the  traditional  figures  of  the  Senecan  drama, 
while  the  latter  performs  at  various  times  the  functions  of 
monitor,  mediator  and  chorus.  From  non-Plutarchian  sources 
the  Italian  obtained  the  names  Spurinna  and  Bucolianus,  which 
occur  in  the  First  Messenger's  recital  of  the  assassination. 
The  first  he  doubtless  owes  to  Suetonius,  while  the  second  he 
obtained  from  Appian's  account  of  Caesar's  murder.  In 
obedience  to  the  formal  demand  of  his  drama,  Pescetti  has 
the  first  and  second  Messenger,  the  Choruses  of  Roman  Mat- 
rons (probably  suggested  by  Lucan),*  of  the  Ladies  of  the 
Court,  of  Citizens,  and  of  Soldiers.  The  two  latter  are 
merged  in  the  mob  of  Shakespeare. 

As  a  natural  result  of  the  limitations  imposed  by  his  model, 
Pescetti  has  to  confine  his  action  to  the  events  of  the  day  of 
Caesar's  assassination,  and  can  only  inferentially  introduce 
material  of  which  Shakespeare  could  avail  himself  to  the  full. 
The  place  is  always  the  same,  and,  though  unmentioned  by 
the  dramatist,  is  presumably  an  open  space  before  a  temple 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Caesar's  house.  In  conse- 
quence of  these  restrictions  such  hints  as  Pescetti  may  have 
furnished  Shakespeare,  are,  almost  exclusively,  to  be  found 
embodied  in  the  composition  of  the  first  three  acts  of  "Julius 
Caesar." 

Shakespeare's  main  source  was  Plutarch;  Pescetti's  was 
Appian,  though  he  did  not  hesitate  to  draw  liberally  from 

*  Pharsalia,  Bk.  II.,  where  the  Chorus  of  Matrons  bewails  Caesar's  ap- 
proach. 


8 

Plutarch,  Suetonius,  Lucan,  Ovid,  and  Vergil  when  the 
occasion  required.  In  this  I  disagree  with  the  only  two  com- 
mentators who  have  given  this  drama  more  than  passing 
attention.*  With  the  exception  of  the  Brutus-Portia  scene, 
the  portents,  and  his  idealization  of  Brutus'  character,  in 
every  one  of  the  main  incidents  of  the  first  four  acts,  and  in 
the  entire  fifth  act,  the  Italian  follows  Appian  faithfully.  But, 
like  Shakespeare,  he  does  not  hesitate  to  amplifyf  his  material 
nor  to  invent  such  incidents  as  the  exigencies  of  the  situation 
seem  to  demand. 

That  Shakespeare  went  further  than  Plutarch  for  his  sources 
has  been  the  subject  of  much  discussion.  He  introduces 
historical  touches  not  found  in  the  biographer.  I  purpose 
to  show  in  the  course  of  this  work  that  almost  every  one  of 
these  he  could  readily  have  obtained  through  Pescetti.  This 
Renaissance  rhetorician  was  thoroughly  at  home  in  the 
classics,  and  his  work  throughout  bears  unmistakable  evidence 
of  their  influence. 

It  is  certain  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Latin 
tragedy  "Caesar,"  written  in  1544  by  the  French  humanist 
Marc  Antoine  Muret  (Muretus).  Pescetti's  enemies  were 
quick  to  recognize  the  resemblance  between  the  two  plays 
and  openly  accused  him  of  plagiarism.  While  the  Italian 
undoubtedly  received  many  hints  from  the  work  of  his  prede- 
cessor, there  is  no  ground  for  the  vicious  attack  made  upon 
him  by  Beni.t  Moreover,  his  borrowings,  such  as  they  are, 
in  no  way  affect  our  investigation.  Undoubtedly  he  was 
also  acquainted  with  the  "C£sar"  of  Jacques  Grevin  (1561). 

*Emilio  Bertana  in  "La  tragedia,"  1904,  and  Francesco  Neri  in  "La 
tragedia  italiana  nel  Cinquecento,"  1904. 

t  Inflate  is  perhaps  more  accurate  in  Pescetti's  case. 

J  He  says,  "E  di  qui  £  che  preso  animo  e  fatto  cuore,  poco  dipoi  compose, 
o  piu  tosto  tradusse  in  volgare,  una  Tragedia  del  Mureto  detta  il  Cesare.  .  .  . 
E  vero  che  per  alquanto  ampliarla  e  ricoprir'  insieme  il  furto,  vi  ando  inserendo, 
e  qua  e  la  traponendo,  varie  leggierezze  e  vanita  di  sua  testa.  In  modo  tale 
che  almen  per  queste  meriterebbe  d'esserne  stimato  Autore."  From  "II 
Cavalcanti,"  by  Michelangelo  Fonte  (Paolo  Beni).  In  Padova  per  Francesco 
Bolzetta,  1614.  Page  107  ff.  The  animus  back  of  such  a  charge  may  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  Muretus  has  but  little  over  eight  hundred  lines, 


But,  whatever  the  hints  as  to  treatment  Pescetti  may  have 
received  from  Muretus,*  it  is  to  his  minute  knowledge  of 
the  classic  authors  that  he  owes  the  substance  of  his  drama. 
He  makes  a  far  greater  use  than  do  his  predecessors  of  the 
material  later  employed  by  Shakespeare.  Very  noteworthy 
is  the  fact  that  here  we  find  for  the  first  time  in  any  play  on 
the  subject,  the  Brutus-Portia  scene;  the  suspense  occasioned 
by  the  suspected  discovery  of  the  plot;  the  panic  among  the 
conspirators  when  Popilius  Lena  addresses  Caesar;  the  great 
prominence  of  the  portents. 

The  material  derived  from  classical  sources  and  used  both 
by  Shakespeare  and  Pescetti  includes  the  conference  between 
Brutus  and  Cassius ;  the  respect  in  which  the  former  was  held ; 
his  relations  to  his  wife,  and  her  demand  to  share  his  confidence ; 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  conspirators;  their  sparing  of  Antony 
at  Brutus'  request;  the  prodigies  and  portents  that  preceded 
Caesar's  death;  Calpurnia's  dream  and  her  efforts  to  stay 

and  that  Pescetti  introduces  much  effective  material  not  found  in  the  former's 
tragedy.  FT.  Saverio  Quadrio  in  "Delia  storia  e  della  ragione  d'ogni  poesia," 
Milano,  1739,  Vol.  IV,  p.  72,  says  of  "Cesare:"  "Fiorl  questo  poeta  celebre 
per  altre  opere  circa  il  1590;  e  questa  fu  la  prima  tragedia  di  tale  argomento  che 
in  lingua  volgare  si  componesse:  n£  ha  che  fare  con  quella  del  Mureto,  come  ha 
malamente  scritto  il  Fontanini,  togliendolo  da  Paolo  Beni."  In  Fontanini, 
Giusto,  "Biblioteca  dell'eloquenza  italiana  con  le  annotazione  del  Sig. 
Apostolo  Zeno  "-Venezia,  Pasquali,  1753  (4  vols.),  Vol.  i,  p.  483,  we  read  of 
Pescetti's  work:  "  Nel  Cavalcanti  del  Beni  si  fa  nuovo  stragio  di  Cesare  per  colpa 
di  questo  autore,  come  di  plagiario  del  Mureto  nella  Tragedia  latina  del  Cesare. 
Si  vede,  che  i  ladri  letterari,  colti  in  flagranti  come  succede,  si  rendono  poi 
scherniti  e  ridicoli;  e  che  poco  giova  1'andarsi  rampicando  per  forza,  quasi 
erba  parietaria,  sulle  Industrie  degli  altri,  come  se  fossero  loro  proprie, 
con  cercar  poi  di  occultarlo,  quando  per  conoscerlo  di  primo  aspetto, 
ci  vuole  assai  poco,  mentre  le  cose  o  presto  or  tardi  si  scoprono."  In  a  note 
Zeno  says:  "II  Cesare  del  Mureto,  e'l  Cesare  del  Pescetti  poco  piu  di  commune 
han  fra  loro,  che  1'argomento,  la  storia,  ed  il  titolo;  e  pero  1'accusa  di  plagiario 
data  del  Beni  al  Pescetti,  contra  del  quale  scrisse  il  suo  Cavalcanti  per  difesa 
della  sua  Anticrusca,  e  anzi  dettata  dalla  passione  che  dalla  verita."  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  Fontanini,  like  Allaci,  speaks  only  of  a  1604  edition 
of  "Cesare."  Zeno,  however,  is  careful  to  point  out  the  error. 

*  There  are  portions  of  the  speeches  of  the  principal  characters  decidedly 
reminiscent  of  Muretus,  but  the  similarity  is  more  in  content  than  in  expression, 
and  seldom  enter  those  portions  of  "Cesare"  which  parallel  those  in  "Julius 
Caesar." 


10 

her  husband  at  home  and  the  counter  efforts  of  Decimus 
Brutus;  the  warning  letter  given  to  Caesar  (only  mentioned 
in  "Cesare"  by  the  Messenger);  all  the  details  of  the  assas- 
sination scene,  and  Brutus'  speech  to  the  people.  Both  also 
make  use  of  personal  characteristics  mentioned  either  in 
Plutarch  or  in  Appian.  Thus  Antony's  friendship  for  Caesar, 
his  fondness  for  revelry,  his  hold  on  the  soldiers;  Brutus' 
intense  patriotism,  his  hatred  for  tyranny,  his  magnanimity, 
his  disinterestedness,  his  love  of  study;  the  caution  of  Cassius, 
his  hatred  of  tyrants ;  Caesar's  lately  acquired  superstition  and 
arrogance.  These  are  all  derived  from  the  above  sources. 
Pescetti  refers  to  Pompey  several  times,  but  he  says  nothing 
about  the  actions  of  the  tribunes,  nor  about  their  punishment. 
Nor  is  there  any  mention  of  the  prophecy  of  danger  on  the 
Ides  of  March;  of  the  offer  of  the  Crown  on  the  Lupercal  or 
on  any  other  occasion ;  of  the  anonymous  letters  sent  to  Brutus ; 
of  the  conspirators'  contempt  for  an  oath;  of  their  rejection 
of  Cicero  as  confederate;  of  Ligarius;  of  Artimidorus  or  his 
attempted  intervention;  of  Antony's  speech. 

On  the  other  hand  Pescetti  introduces  material  either  simply 
hinted  at  or  altogether  omitted  in  Shakespeare  and  the 
histories.  Such  is  the  account  of  the  conversation  between 
Antony  and  Caesar,  and  Caesar's  opinion  of  death;  the  pleas 
used  by  Decimus  Brutus;  the  various  conversations  between 
Portia  and  Cassius;  between  the  Priest  and  Calpurnia,  and 
between  Caesar  and  the  Priest;  the  lamentations  of  Calpurnia. 
He  gives  much  prominence  to  the  Priest  and  to  Calpurnia's 
servant.  He  founded  his  choruses  on  material  partly  sug- 
gested by  Lucan,  and  perhaps  by  Muretus,  Grevin  and 
Gamier. 

While  Pescetti  drew  liberally  from  Plutarch,  yet  his  indebted- 
ness to  Appian  is  particularly  significant  for  our  purpose. 
There  are  passages  in  "Julius  Caesar"  wherein  Shakespeare 
introduces  historical  touches  which  apparently  can  only  be 
explained  upon  the  supposition  that  he  knew  and  used  the 
English  translation  of  Appian  published  in  1578.  Owing  to 
the  peculiar  parallelism  often  evident  in  the  accounts  both  of 
Plutarch  and  of  Appian,  and  to  the  absence  in  "Julius  Caesar" 


II 

of  those  minutiae  necessary  to  a  positive  confirmation,  the 
question  of  Shakespeare's  indebtedness  to  the  Greek  historian 
has  remained  largely  conjectural.  Pescetti  undoubtedly  used 
Appian,  and  in  his  use  of  the  materials,  and  in  the  similarity 
to  Shakespeare's  subsequent  treatment,  the  supposition  that 
Appian  was  the  ultimate  source  of  the  disputed  passages 
seems  to  receive  its  strongest  confirmation. 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  APPIAN 

The  English  translation  of  Appian,  by  "  W.  B.,"  was 
published  in  1578.  This  is  the  work  supposedly  used  by 
Shakespeare.  In  his  "Julius  Caesar"  there  are  four  places 
in  which  the  influence  of  the  historian  seems  predominant;  in 
a  part  of  the  speech  of  Brutus  to  the  citizens;  in  the  oration  of 
Antony;  in  the  conduct  of  the  conspirators  immediately 
following  the  murder;  and  in  a  detail  concerning  Antony. 

Neither  the  address  of  Brutus  nor  the  funeral  oration  of 
Antony  is  recorded  in  Plutarch.  Both  are  to  be  found  in 
Appian.  It  has  been  suggested*  that  from  him  Shakespeare 
got  the  idea  for  Brutus'  exclamation,  "Had  you  rather  Caesar 
were  living,  and  die  all  slaves,  than  that  Caesar  were  dead,  to 
live  all  freemen?"  Appian's  Brutus  says:  "We  at  his  desire 
gaue  him  security,  and  as  it  should  seeme,  afrayde  of  himself, 
seking  to  make  his  Tyrany  sure,  we  sware  unto  it.  If  he  had 
required  us  to  sware,  not  only  to  confirme  the  things  past, 
but  also  to  haue  bene  hys  slaues  in  time  to  come,  what  woulde 
they  then  haue  done  that  nowe  lie  in  wayte  for  our  Hues? 
I  suppose  verye  Romaines  indeede,  wyll  rather  choose  certaine 
death  as  they  haue  oft  done,  than  by  an  othe  to  abyde  willing 
seruitude."f 

While  it  is  possible  that  Shakespeare,  following  his  custom 
in  the  composition  of  this  particular  play,  may  have  derived 
this  hint  from  the  scattered  pages  of  Plutarch,  or  indeed  con- 
ceived it  independently  as  a  dramatic  consequence  of  Brutus* 
previously  expressed  attitude,  yet  the  advantage  of  Appian's 
account  is  manifest.  Pescetti  knew  and  used  this  account, 

*  Especially  by  Prof.  Frederick  H.  Sykes  in  his  notes  to  "Julius  Caesar," 
Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New  York,  1909. 

t  Appian  (1578),  p.  153.  EJ  8e  rjfuv  6/j.vvvat  irpofftrraTev,  oi>  ri  ira.pf\6bvTa, 
ld>vov  ofoeiv  ^7/cparws,  dXXa  SouXei/cretv  &  rb  fji£\\ov  e^^ras,  rl  SLV  €irpa$-av  ol  vvv 
tirifiovXevovTes  ijfjuv  ;  £ya>  fj£v  y&p,  6vras  ye  'Pwjaafous,  ofywu  TroXXd/aj  dirodaveiv 
e\4ffdai  /iaXXov,  %  5ov\cfaiv  ooWas  tirl  SpKtf.  Appian,  Ed.  Didot.  P.  403. 

12 


13 

and  while  the  same  idea  does  not  occur  in  Brutus'  address  in 
"Cesare"  it  is  repeatedly  expressed  throughout  the  play. 
If  we  admit  the  possibility  of  Shakespeare's  derivation  of  the 
disputed  hints  through  a  careful  selection  from  the  pages  of 
Plutarch,  there  can  be  no  strong  objection  to  granting  him 
the  exercise  of  a  similar  freedom  in  his  perusal  of  Pescetti. 
It  was  a  common  enough  practice  of  the  Elizabethan  dramatists 
to  appropriate  suitable  material  wherever  and  whenever  they 
encountered  it,  a  fact  which  must  be  borne  in  mind  throughout 
this  discussion. 

Shakespeare  could  have  found  his  matter  in  Pescetti. 
There  is  nothing  more  repugnant  to  the  Brutus  of  "Cesare" 
than  the  idea  of  slavery,  and  he  voices  his  opinion  time  and 
again  throughout  the  play.  To  quote  but  one  instance: 
Cassius  and  Brutus  are  discussing  liberty  and  Brutus  says: 

"  II  Tiranno  e  peggior  dell'  omicida, 
Perche  la  vita  1'omicida  toglie, 
Ma  con  la  dignita  toglie  il  possesso 
Delia  vita  il  Tiranno,  e  chi  ad  altrui, 
Non  a  se,  vive,  e  vie  peggior,  che  morte: 
Percid  saggio  Caton,  saggio  et  ardito, 
Ch'anzi  morir,  che  viver  servo  elesse." — Ces.,  p.  89. 

The  possibility  that  the  address  of  Antony,  as  recorded  by 
Appian,  furnished  Shakespeare  hints  for  the  oration  in  the 
play,  has  recently  been  investigated  by  Prof.  MacCallum.* 
He  concludes  that  while  Appian's  account  bears  little  re- 
semblance to  the  oration,  it  nevertheless  contains  some  parallels 
in  details.  Antony  both  in  the  history  and  in  the  drama 
calls  attention  to  his  friendship  for  Caesar;  to  the  honors  the 
latter  had  bestowed  on  his  murderers;  he  proclaims  his  own 
readiness  to  avenge  his  benefactor's  death ;  he  recites  Caesar's 
triumphs  and  the  spoils  he  sent  to  Rome ;  he  uncovers  Caesar's 
corpse  and  displays  the  bloodstained  robe;  he  makes  Caesar 
cite  the  names  of  those  whom  he  had  pardoned  and  advanced 
only  to  destroy  him. 

*  "Shakespeare's  Roman  Plays  and  their  Background,"  p.  646.  MacMillan 
&  Company,  London  and  New  York.  1910. 


14 

Professor  MacCallum  confesses  that  the  evidence  is  not 
very  convincing,  but  that  it  is  strengthened  greatly  by  the 
apparent  loans  from  the  same  author  discernible  in  Shake- 
speare's treatment  of  various  passages  in  "Antony  and  Cleo- 
patra." The  question  at  present  is  not  whether  the  hints  in 
"Julius  Caesar"  were  derived  from  Appian,  but  whether  they 
were  derived  from  the  English  translation.  The  likelihood 
that  Shakespeare  knew  and  used  this  translation  when  he 
wrote  his  later  tragedy,  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  that 
he  was  not  acquainted  with  it  when  he  composed  the  earlier 
work,  nor  that  he  received  the  hints  attributed  to  Appian 
not  at  first  hand,  but  through  his  knowledge  of  Pescetti's 
drama.* 

The  Italian's  work  contains  no  funeral  oration  by  Antony, 
but  the  entire  fifth  act  is  dramatically  parallel  to  the  third 
act  of  "Julius  Caesar."  In  it  we  find  Brutus'  speech  to  the 
people,  the  account  of  the  assassination,  the  various  laments 
for  Caesar,  a  chorus  singing  Brutus'  praises  and  another 
singing  those  of  Caesar.  The  entire  act  is  founded  upon 
Appian,  and  despite  its  comparative  inferiority  in  dramatic 
treatment,  is  rich  in  suggestions  which  a  better  dramatist 
could  use  to  great  advantage.  Caesar's  victories,  his  mag- 
nanimity to  his  enemies,  their  base  treachery  and  Antony's 

*  As  in  the  case  of  the  supposed  loan  in  the  oration  of  Brutus,  a  careful 
comparison  of  Plutarch  and  Appian  reveals  nothing  which  Shakespeare  could 
not  have  obtained  from  the  former,  if  not  directly,  at  least  as  a  natural  con- 
sequence of  Plutarch's  various  accounts.  Even  the  matter  of  the  display  of 
the  corpse  is  mentioned  by  the  biographer  (Julius  Caesar,  p.  102,  Skeat's 
Edition).  As  a  matter  of  history,  not  the  corpse  itself,  but  a  waxen  image 
showing  the  mutilations,  was  exhibited  to  the  populace.  It  is  true  that  from 
Plutarch's  direct  accounts  of  the  oration,  Shakespeare  could  have  obtained 
very  little.  The  whole  matter  illustrates  the  great  difficulty  encountered  by 
the  investigator  who  seeks  to  disentangle  Appian's  contribution  from  that  of 
Plutarch.  This  is  especially  difficult  in  view  of  the  transformation  inseparable 
from  a  dramatic  treatment.  In  many  passages  covering  the  life  of  Caesar 
the  marked  similarity  between  the  two  writers  has  given  rise  to  the  theory  that 
both  worked  from  a  common  Greek  source  now  lost.  The  minutiae  necessary 
to  a  positive  declaration  in  favor  of  Appian  are  lacking  in  Shakespeare's 
treatment  of  this  particular  scene,  but  as  will  be  noted  from  the  main  argument* 
they  are  evident  in  Pescetti. 


15 

readiness  to  avenge  his  friend's  murder;  in  short,  all  the  hints* 
presumably  derived  by  Shakespeare  from  the  English  trans- 
lation of  Appian  are  brought  before  us.  Shakespeare  could 
have  found  his  material  in  Pescetti's  drama,  and  the  supposi- 
tion that  he  actually  did  do  so  is  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
fact  that  not  only  does  the  material  under  discussion  reappear 
in  "Julius  Caesar",  but  it  reappears  accompanied  by  certain 
individual  touches  peculiar  alone  to  Pescetti's  treatment. 

Calpurnia's  speeches,  the  recitals  of  the  Messengers,  and  the 
comments  of  the  Chorus  are  the  dramatic  counterpart  in 
"Cesare"  of  the  speeches  of  Antony  in  "Julius  Caesar." 
Thus  Calpurnia  exlaims  at  the  news  of  Caesar's  death : 

"O  dolce,  6  caro,  6  mio  fedel  consorte, 
O  di  quanti  mai  Roma 
Produsse  figli,  piu  possente,  e  forte, 
O  della  nostra  eta  sovrano  pregio, 
O  domator  de'  ribellanti  Galli, 
Del  feroce  German,  del  fier  Britanno; 
O  altrettanto  dolce 

Al  perdonar,  quanto  al  combatter  pronto, 
O  stupor  delle  genti, 
O  miracol  del  mondo, 
Le  cui  maravigliose, 
E  soprumane  prove 
Stancheran  tutte  le  piu  dotte  penne, 
E  con  stupor  saranno 
Cantate,  udite  e  lette 
Da  quei,  che  dopo  noi 
Verran  mill'  anni,  e  mille." — Ces.,  pp.  128-29. 

"Oim£  quel,  ch'ai  nemici  ha  perdonato, 
Quel,  ch'il  maggior  nemico  ha  pianto  morto, 
E  stat'  ei  da  coloro,  a  cui  donata 
Avea  la  vita,  indegnamente  ucciso." — Ces.,  p.  135. 

Here  Caesar's  kindness  to  his  enemies,  his  conquests,  the 
sense  of  Rome's  irreparable  loss  are  emphasized. 

"Here  was  a  Caesar!  when  comes  such  another?" 
*  If  we  except  the  display  of  the  corpse. 


16 

To  Shakespeare,  Pescetti's  work  could  hardly  have  been 
more  than  a  recital  of  events  connected  with  a  notable  oc- 
currence in  history,  and  while  he  needed  no  "Cesare"  to  point 
him  towards  the  aim  of  Antony's  address,  it  is  noteworthy 
that  Calpurnia  openly  urges  what  Antony  secretly  wished,  and 
towards  which  he  shaped  every  sentence  of  his  great  oration. 
Shakespeare's  treatment  is  so  vastly  superior  that  attempts 
at  comparison  seem  well  nigh  ridiculous;  yet,  when  we  con- 
sider how  the  great  poet  was  able  to  transform  the  meanest 
hints  into  the  mighty  scenes  we  find  in  his  greatest  dramas,* 
we  may  well  hesitate  to  overlook  similarities,  however  far 
removed  they  may  seem  from  the  matter  under  consideration. 
Thus  Calpurnia  exhorts  the  soldiers  to  vengeance: 

"0  robusti,  o  magnanimi  soldati, 
Che  sotto  la  felice  scorta,  sotto 
Le  fortunate,  e  gloriose  insegne 
Del  mio  Cesare  invitto 
Mille  vittorie  riportate  avete, 
Date  di  mano  all'  arme, 
Prendete  il  ferro,  e  '1  fuoco, 
E  1'empia,  indegna  morte,  e'l  fiero  strazio 
Vendicate  del  vostro 
Signore,  e  capitano:" — Pp.  133-34. 

Later  on  the  Chorus  of  Soldiers  exclaims : 

"Patirem  noi,  compagni, 
Ch'  invendicato  resti 
Lui,  per  cui  fatto  abbiamo 
Di  richezze  e  d'onor  tanti  guadagni? — P.  143. 

"there  were  an  Antony 

Would  ruffle  up  your  spirits,  and  put  a  tongue 
In  every  wound  of  Caesar,  that  should  move 
The  stones  of  Rome  to  rise  and  mutiny." — J.  C.,  III.,  n,  224. 

"He  hath  brought  many  captives  home  to  Rome, 
Whose  ransoms  did  the  general  coffers  fill." 

Calpurnia  denounces  Brutus: 

*  Especially  in  those  founded  on  material  derived  from  Italian  sources. 


"O  Bruto,  6  Bruto,  veramente  Bruto, 
Non  men  d'animo,  e  d'opre,  che  di  nome, 
Come  t'e  dato  il  cuor  d'uccider  quello, 
Ch'a  te  donate  avea  la  vita  e  in  luogo 
Preso  t'avea  di  figlio?  ahi  scelerato, 
Ahi  d'ogn'  umanita  nemico;  cuore 
Piu  che  d'Orso,  e  de  Tigre  Ircana  crudo, 
Come  a  ferir  quel  sacrosanto  corpo, 
Orrido  gel  non  ti  legd  le  membra?" — P.  133. 

Antony  specifically  mentions  Brutus  as  "the  well  beloved." 
Of  special  significance  is  the  fact  that  he  makes  the  same  play 
on  the  name  Brutus*  as  we  find  in  Pescetti: 

"0  judgment!  thou  art  fled  to  brutish  beasts 
And  men  have  lost  their  reason." — III.,  n,  102. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  Calpurnia,  after  the  play  on  the  name, 
proceeds  to  emphasize  the  brutality  of  the  murder,  not  only 
by  referring  to  the  closeness  of  the  relation  between  Brutus 
and  Caesar,  but  also  by  comparing  the  insensate  cruelty  of 
his  assassin  to  that  of  the  most  savage  beasts.  There  is  no 
warrant  for  this  touch  in  the  histories.  Again,  note  the 
parallel : 

"For  Brutus,  as  you  know,  was  Caesar's  angel; 
Judge,  O  you  gods,  how  dearly  Caesar  loved  him." 

—III.,  11,  180. 

Another  individual  touch  of  Pescetti's  reappears  in  Antony's 
oration.  Thus  the  Chorus  in  "Cesare,"  on  hearing  that 
Caesar's  body  is  being  borne  to  his  house  by  a  few  slaves, 
exclaims, 

"E  quegli,  a  cui  comandamenti  presti 
Erano  i  Regi,  e  le  provincie  intiere, 
Or  appena  ha  tre  servi, 
Che'l  portin  su  le  spalle.f — Ces.,  p.  127. 

*  It  is  found  in  Plutarch  and  in  Cicero's  letters,  but  not  in  connection  with 
this  scene.  See  Sykes'  "Julius  Caesar,"  Notes,  pp.  151-2. 

t  And  when  he  wente  from  his  house  to  the  Senate,  he  was  wayted  on  with 
manye  of  the  magistrates,  and  great  number  of  people,  as  wel  Citizens  as 


18 

The  Messenger  at  the  sight  of  the  corpse  laments, 

"Ecco  dov'  e  ridutto 
II  pur  dianzi  Signer  dell'  universe." — P.  136. 

Antony  says: 

"  But  yesterday  the  word  of  Caesar  might 
Have  stood  against  the  world :  now  lies  he  there, 
And  none  so  poor  to  do  him  reverence." — III.,  n,  117. 

Also  Act  III.,  Sc.  i: 

"O  mighty  Caesar!  dost  thou  lie  so  low? 
Are  all  thy  conquests,  glories,  triumphs,  spoils, 
Shrunk  to  this  small  measure?" 

Calpurnia  exclaims : 

"  Dunque,  oime,  quella  destra, 
C'ha  vinti,  e  debellati 
Potentissimi  eserciti,  e  distrutte 
Fortissime  Cittadi,  or  fredda  torpe 
Ad  ogni  officio  inutile,  e  impotente?" — Ces.,  p.  129. 

The  corpse*  of  Caesar  is  not  displayed  upon  the  stage,  but 
the  comments  of  the  Chorus  warn  the  spectator  that  it  is 
approaching  borne  by  the  slaves,  and  Calpurnia  cries: 

"  Fermate  o  la,  posate 

Quel  corpo  in  terra,  acciocche  col  mio  pianto 
Lavi  dall'  aspre  sue  ferite  il  sangue." — Ces.,  p.  136. 

The  familiar, 

"If  you  have  tears,  prepare  to  shed  them  now" 

straungers,  and  servantes  and  free  men  in  great  multitude;  all  the  which  fleeing 
away  by  heapes,  only  three  seruantes  taried,  which  layd  his  body  in  the  litter. 
Thus  three  men  not  suteable,  did  carie  him  home  that  a  little  before  was  Lorde 
of  sea  and  lande.  (Appian,  1578,  p.  142.)  Kal  al  ir\tovet  apxal  Kal  iro\ds  fyaXoj 
fiXXos  dffTwv,  Kal  £^vwv,  Kal  iro\i>s  Qepdiruv  Kal  ^£e\ei/0e/>os  airrbv  tirl  rb  fiovXevT-fjpiov 
&K  rrjs  ot/aas  irap€Treir6fJup€urav  •  &v  ddpbws  diaQvybrrtav,  r/oetj  depdirovres  fdvot  irapt- 
fjxivav,  ot  rb  <ru>jua  ts  rb  tyopciov  tvQt^voL,  6i€K6fu<rav  otxaSe  dvw/xdXws,  ola  rpeis,  rbv 
irpb  6\lyov  yfjs  Kal  6a\dff<rrjs  irpoffraTijv.  Appian,  Ed.  Didot.  P.  394.  Suetonius 
has  a  similar  account. 

*  It  seems  that  the  matter  of  the  display  of  the  corpse  in  Shakespeare  is  as 
readily  traceable  to  Plutarch  as  to  Appian. 


19 

has  its  parallel  in  the  lines  of  the  speech  of  the  Second  Messen- 
ger addressed  to  the  Chorus  of  Women : 

"Apparecchiate,  o  donne,  gli  occhi  al  pianto."* — Ces.,  p.  146. 

Calpurnia,  in  her  exhortation  to  the  soldiers  referred  to 
before,  continues: 

"Sit,  che  fate?  stringete 
Nell'  una  man  il  ferro 
Nell'  altra  le  facelle, 
E  correte  alle  case 
De'  traditori  ingiusti, 
E  uccidete,  e  ardete  ci6,  ch'awanti 
Vi  si  para,  ond'  al  cielo 
Salgano  le  faville,  e'l  Tebro  porti 
L'onde  sanguigne  al  mare. 
Che  parlo?  o  dove  sono?  ahi  che'l  soverchio 
Dolor  t'h&  tratta  di  te  stessa  fuori, 
Infelice  Calpurnia." — Ces.,  p.  134. 

Noteworthy  in  the  above  is  the  touch,  "Che  parlo?  o  dove 
sono?"  etc.  Thus  Antony  pauses: 

"Bear  with  me; 

My  heart  is  in  the  coffin  there  with  Caesar, 
And  I  must  wait  till  it  come  back  to  me." 

Plutarch  records  the  doings  of  the  mob  after  they  had  been 
aroused  by  Antony's  speech.  He  recounts  that  the  mob 
cried  "Kill  the  murderers,"  but  chronicles  no  other  excla- 
mations. Neither  does  Appian.  In  Pescetti,  Calpurnia's 
speech  contains  material  for  the  exclamations  which  interrupt 
Antony's  discourse,  but  a  direct  parallel  is  to  be  found  in  the 
cry  of  the  soldiers  inflamed  by  the  exhortations  of  Caesar's 
wife  and  the  laments  of  the  Chorus.  They  shout: 

"Su  diam  di  mano  aH'armi, 
E  gridando  armi,  armi,  armi, 
Alia  vendetta  gli  animi  infiammiamo. 

*  But,  it  should  be  noted,  not  quite  in  the  same  connection  as  in  Shakespeare. 
The  Messenger  warns  the  women  to  fly  the  terrors  sure  to  follow  the  assassi- 
nation. 


20 

Arme,  arme,  sangue,  sangue,  ammazza,  ammazza, 

Degli  empi  traditor  non  resti  razza. 

Altri  occupi  le  porte, 

Altri  corra  alia  piazza, 

Altri  al  Tempio  di  Giove,  altri  alia  Corte, ! 

E  per  tutti  apparisca  orrore,  e  morte." — Ces.,  pp.  143-144. 

During  Antony's  speech  the  mob  cries : 

"Revenge!  About!  Seek!  Burn!  Fire!  Kill!  Slay! 
Let  not  a  traitor  live!" 

This  is  not  only  a  close  verbal  parallel,  but  the  similarity 
in  the  exclamatory  treatment  is  remarkable. 

Another  personal  touch  is  to  be  found  in  the  idea  that 
Caesar's  fall  was  Rome's  fall,  which  is  strong  throughout 
Pescetti,  and  is  not  traceable  to  the  influence  of  the  historians. 
Thus  the  Second  Messenger  says : 

"Giunto  e  1'ultimo  di;  giunto  e  la  fine 
Di  questa  altiera  patria,  6  donne ;  Roma 
Fti ;  noi  f ummo  Romani ;  or  ogni  gloria 
Ogni  grandezza  nostra  e  posta  in  fondo." — Ces.,  p.  146. 

Antony  exclaims, 

"O,  what  a  fall  was  there,  my  countrymen! 
Then  I,  and  you,  and  all  of  us  fell  down, 
Whilst  bloody  treason  flourished  over  us." 

But  one  more  point  in  connection  with  Antony's  oration 
remains  for  discussion.  Antony's  friendship  for  Caesar  and 
his  desire  for  vengeance  on  the  latter's  murderers  are  matters 
just  as  readily  derivable  from  Plutarch's  accounts  as  from  the 
oration  by  Antony  as  recorded  in  Appian.  Pescetti,  following 
Appian's  account  of  the  events  immediately  following  the 
assassination,  puts  the  following  in  the  mouth  of  the  Second 
Messenger : 

"Antonio  .  .  . 

Fuggito  e  a  casa,  e  d'essere  credendo 
Anch'egli  a  morte  destinato,  or  cinge 
Di  ripari  fortissimi  la  casa, 


21 

E  si  prepara  alia  difesa  contra 
Chiunque  oltraggio,  6  scorno  fargli  tenti. 
Lepido  s'e  nell'  Isola  con  quattro 
Legion  ritirato,  et  ha  mandate 
Dicendo  a  Marcantonio,  ch'egli  e  pronto 
Co'suoi  soldati  a  far  quanto  da  lui 
Gli  sara  imposto:  Onde  si  stima  ch'egli 
Per  vendicar  la  morte  dell'  amico 
Debba  spingergli  addosso  a  congiurati, 
E  lor  tagliar  a  pezzi,  e  le  lor  case 
Arder,  e  rovinar  da  fondamenti."  —  P.  148. 

Not  only  is  Antony's  desire  for  vengeance  intimated,  but  the 
ultimate  fate  of  the  conspirators,  and  the  failure  of  their 
cause  is  distinctly  foreshadowed.  But  most  significant  is 
the  fact  that  Pescetti,  here  almost  literally  following  Appian, 
makes  Antony  take  refuge  in  his  own  house.  In  Shakespeare 
Antony  is  also  made  to  take  refuge  in  his  own  house.  Cassius 
inquires  : 

1  'Where  is  Antony? 
Trebonius  —  Fled  to  his  house  amazed."  —  (Act  III.,  Sc.  I,  96.) 

This  touch  is  certainly  not  derived  from  Plutarch.  The 
biographer  says  (Julius  Caesar,  p.  101):  "But  Antonius  and 
Lepidus,  which  were  two  of  Caesar's  chiefest  friends,  secretly 
conveying  themselves  away,  fled  into  other  men's  houses  and 
forsook  their  own.'1  Appian  says:  "Antony  went  to  his  owne 
house,  entending  to  take  advice  for  this  case  of  Cesars." 
(Appian,  1578,  p.  141.)* 

But  one  more  supposed  loan  from  Appian  remains  for  in- 
vestigation. This  is  to  be  found  in  the  behavior  of  the  con- 
spirators immediately  after  the  murder.  Plutarch's  account 
is  as  follows:  "Brutus  and  his  confederates  on  the  other  side, 
being  yet  hot  with  this  murder  they  had  committed,  having 
their  swords  drawn  in  their  hands,  came  all  in  a  troup  together 
out  of  the  Senate  and  went  into  the  market-place,  not  as 
men  that  made  countenance  to  fly,  but  otherwise  boldly 


*'AvTwvi6s  re  rty  olKlav  uxupov,  TeK/xaip6/uevos  auveTrt^ouXerfecrtfeu  T<£  Kalffapi. 
Appian,  Ed.  Didot.     P.  394. 


22 

holding  up  their  heads  like  men  of  courage,  and  called  to  the 
people  to  defend  their  liberty,  and  stayed  to  speak  with  every 
great  personage  whom   they   met  on   their  way."     (Julius 
Caesar,  p.  101,  Skeat's  Ed.) 
In  Shakespeare  we  read  : 

11  Caes.—  Et  tu  Brute?    Then  fall,  Caesar.     (Dies) 
Cinna.  —  Liberty  !  freedom  !    Tyranny's  dead  ! 

Run  hence,  proclaim,  cry  it  about  the  streets. 
Cas.  —    Some  to  the  common  pulpits  and  cry  out 
'Liberty,  freedom  and  enfranchisement!'" 

A  little  farther  on  Brutus  exclaims: 

"Stoop,  Romans,  stoop, 
And  let  us  bathe  our  hands  in  Caesar's  blood 
Up  to  the  elbows,  and  besmear  our  swords: 
Then  walk  we  forth,  even  to  the  market-place, 
And  waving  our  red  weapons  o'er  our  heads, 
Let's  all  cry  'Peace,  freedom  and  liberty!'"—  III.,  I,  106. 

Plutarch  mentions  no  sayings  of  the  conspirators;  there  is 
no  mention  of  the  dripping  swords.  Shakespeare  is  here 
supposed  to  follow  Appian,  who  says:  "The  murderers  woulde 
haue  sayde  somewhat  in  ye  Senate  house,  but  no  man  would 
tarry  to  heare.  They  wrapt  their  gowns  about  their  left 
armes  as  targets,  and  hauying  their  daggers  bloudy,  cryed  they 
had  kylled  a  King  and  a  Tyranne,  and  one  bare  an  hatte 
upon  a  speare,  in  token  of  Libertie.  Then  they  exhorted  them 
to  the  common  wealth  of  their  country  and  remembered  olde 
Brutus,  and  the  oth  mode  againste  the  old  kings."  (Appian, 
1578,  p.  142.)*  Here  we  find  the  matter  of  the  dripping 
swords,  and  an  intimation  of  the  cry  of  the  Conspirators. 
But  Pescetti,  who  followed  Appian,  supplies  a  still  closer 
parallel.  Here  Brutus,  after  announcing  the  death  of  the 


*  01  St  ff<payeis  ^/JotfXojro  \i£v  TI  elireiv  iv  rtj)  povXevTyply.  OvSevbs  8t  Trapa- 
fietvavTOS,  rd  Ifjuirta  rats  Xaicus,  &<rirep  &<nrl8as,  TrepiTrXe^d/xevot,  Kal  ra  %l<pr)  fiera 
rov  atfMTos  3-xoires,  tpoi)8p6iMvv  /ScurtX&x  /cai  rtpavvov  ave\eiv  •  Kal  irt\6v  ris  tirl 
86paros  e0epe,  (Ti/^jSoXov  A.eu#e/)i6(reu;s  •  tirl  re  rrjv  irdrpiov  TroXireiav  irapeK&Xovv,  Ka- 
"Bpofoov  TOV  TrdXcu  Kal  T&V  r6re  <r(p[(riv  dfjua/juxrfji^vuv  tirl  rots  Trd\ai  Pa<ri\evfft.v  &vd 
Appian,  Edition  Didot,  Paris,  1877.  P.  395. 


23 

tyrant,  and  after  exhorting  the  poeple  to  rejoice  in  their 
reestablished  liberties,  turns  to  the  conspirators  and  exclaims: 

"Ma  scorriam  per  la  terra, 
O  voi,  che  fidelissimi  compagni, 
Mi  siete  stati  all'  onorata  impresa, 
Con  le  coltella  in  mano, 
Del  Tirannico  sangue  ancor  stillanti 
E  co'  pilei  su  Taste 
E'l  popolo  di  Marte 
Chiamiamo  a  libertade. 

Con. — Liberia,  liberta,  morto  e  il  Tiranno 

Libera  e  Roma,  e  rotto  e  il  giogo  indegno." — Ces.,  pp.  116-17. 

Here  we  have  the  substance  of  Appian's  account.  Here 
Brutus,  as  in  Shakespeare,  addresses  his  fellow  conspirators. 
In  the  one  case  he  refers  to  them  as  "most  faithful  companions," 
in  the  other,  as  "Romans."  In  both  he  exhorts  them  to  the 
same  purpose.  In  one  they  are  to  rove  the  streets  with  their 
dripping  swords  still  in  their  hands,  and  to  call  the  people  of 
Rome  to  their  reestablished  liberty;  in  the  other,  they  are 
exhorted  to  walk  forth  waving  their  red  weapons  over  their 
heads,  and  to  cry  "Peace,  freedom  and  liberty."  The  cry  of 
the  chorus  in  Pescetti  seems  an  answer  to  this  appeal : 

"Liberta,  liberta,  morto  e  il  Tiranno 
Libera  e  Roma  e  rotto  e  il  giogo  indegno." 

And  this  again  is  closely  parallel  to  Cinna's  outburst, 

' '  Liberty !  freedom !    Tyranny  is  dead ! 
Run  hence,  proclaim,  cry  it  about  the  streets!" 

The  latter  part  of  this  seems  an  echo  of 

"E'l  popolo  di  Marte 
Chiamiamo  a  libertade." — P.  116. 

"Cesare"  contains  no  close  parallel  to  Brutus'  exclamation: 

"Stoop,  Romans,  stoop, 
And  let  us  bathe  our  hands  in  Caesar's  blood 
Up  to  the  elbows,  and  besmear  our  swords:" 


24 

But  Pescetti  indicates  a  similar  savage  desire : 

"  E  fu  si  grande  del  feiir  la  voglia 
Ricandosi  ciascuno  a  somma  gloria, 
Tinger  la  spada  sua  nel  sacro  sangue."* — P.  126. 

He  does  say  that  the  conspirators  besmeared  their  swords, 
and  Shakespeare  but  intensified  the  scene  by  making  the 
murderers  literally  bathe  in  the  blood  of  their  victim,  f 

In  this  case,  as  in  the  others,  the  material  from  Appian  is 
to  be  found  in  Pescetti,  and  reappears  in  Shakespeare  accom- 
panied by  touches  due  to  Pescetti  alone.  We  find  further, 
that  in  all  the  cases  wherein  the  influence  of  Appian  has  been 
suspected,  Shakespeare  could  have  derived  his  matter  from 
Pescetti,  who,  we  can  positively  affirm,  used  Appian  as  his 
source.  The  resemblance  in  Shakespeare  between  the  scenes 
under  discussion  and  the  corresponding  scenes  in  Pescetti  is 
far  stronger  than  the  similarity  to  their  alleged  source  in  the 
English  translation  of  Appian,  for  not  only  does  Shakespeare 
make  use  of  the  same  historical  matter  which  Pescetti  derived 
from  the  historian,  but  he  includes  individual  touches  found 
only  in  the  Italian  drama.  The  conclusion  that  Shakespeare 
derived  from  Pescetti  the  hints  previously  attributed  to  his 
acquaintance  with  the  English  translation  of  Appian  seems, 
therefore,  tentatively  justifiable.  This  conclusion  will  be 
greatly  strengthened  by  the  evidence  adducible  from  the  other 
similarities  existing  between  the  two  plays.  Among  these  the 
treatment  of  the  supernatural  element  in  both  dramas  offers 
points  of  contact  which  will  now  be  discussed. 

*  Indicated  in  Plutarch  also — Marcus  Brutus — p.  119.  He  speaks  of  the 
eagerness  of  the  conspirators  to  plunge  their  swords  into  Caesar,  and  records 
that  every  one  of  them  was  stained  with  blood. 

t  Also  regarded  as  a  supposedly  ironical  answer  to  Decimus'  interpretation 
of  the  dream. 


THE  HANDLING  OF  THE  SUPERNATURAL 
ELEMENT 

Shakespeare's  skill  in  the  handling  of  the  supernatural 
element  in  "Julius  Caesar"  has  been  much  commended.  The 
omens  and  prodigies  are  distributed  in  such  a  way  as  best  to 
emphasize  the  tragic  element  and  they  serve  to  invest  the 
entire  play  in  an  atmosphere  of  portent.  For  his  material 
he  drew  largely  upon  Plutarch,  but  he  also  introduces  matter 
apparently  indicating  a  familiarity  with  Ovid,  Vergil,  Lucan, 
and  Suetonius.  Pescetti  makes  use  of  the  supernatural 
element  to  a  far  greater  extent  than  do  his  predecessors.*  His 
recital  of  the  omens  and  the  prodigies  embraces  almost  every 
item  which  the  industry  of  a  Renaissance  scholar  could  cull 
from  the  pages  of  Plutarch,  Ovid,  Vergil,  Lucan,  Suetonius, 
and  Appian.  With  a  single  exception,  all  the  omens  mentioned 
by  Shakespeare  and  not  directly  traceable  to  Plutarch,  can  be 
found  in  Pescetti,  whose  treatment  of  the  entire  supernatural 
element  affords  some  interesting  parallels. 

Plutarch's  account,  which  furnished  Shakespeare  the  bulk 
of  his  material,  is  as  follows: 

*  In  Pescetti  the  Priest's  recital  of  the  omens  consists  of  some  one  hundred 
and  three  lines.  Muretus  has  Calpurnia's  recital  to  the  nurse  of  the  dream 
wherein  she  beheld  Caesar's  bleeding  body,  and  the  following: 

Calp:  Audere  desine  tu  prius 

Tuaeque  si  adeo  spernis  uxoris  metum 
Movere  vatum  oraculis  minacibus, 
Periculosam  qui  tibi  hanc  lucem  admonent: 
Si  spectra,  si  te  auspicia,  si  fibrae  monent 
Cavere,  et  hunc  meum  timorem  comprobant: 
Quid  in  para  tarn  pertinax  mortem  ruis? 

Caes:  Quando  timorem  ponere  aliter  non  potes, 
Ne  nos  tibi  queraris  omnino  nihil 
Tribuere,  mittatur  Senatus  in  hunc  diem.     Lines  343-52. 

Hereupon  D.  Brutus  protests  to  Caesar  and  the  latter  yields.  Grevin  has 
substantially  the  same  account.  For  Muretus  and  Grevin  I  use  Collischonn's 
reprint.  See  Bibliography. 

25 


26 

"  Certainly  destiny  may  easier  be  foreseen  than  avoided,  considering 
the  strange  and  wonderful  signs  that  were  said  to  be  seen  before 
Caesar's  death.  For,  touching  the  fires  in  the  element,  and  spirits 
running  up  and  down  in  the  night  and  also  of  the  solitary  birds  to  be 
seen  at  noondays  sitting  in  the  great  market-place,  are  not  all  these 
signs  perhaps  worth  the  noting,  in  such  a  wonderful  chance  as  hap- 
pened? But  Strabo,  the  philosopher,  writeth,  that  men  were  seen 
going  up  and  down  in  fire;  and,  furthermore,  that  there  was  a  slave 
of  the  soldiers  that  did  cast  a  marvelous  burning  flame  out  of  his  hands, 
insomuch  as  they  that  saw  it  thought  he  had  been  burned ;  but  when 
the  fire  was  out,  it  was  found  he  had  no  hurt.  Caesar  self  also  doing 
sacrifice  unto  the  gods,  found  that  one  of  the  beasts  which  was  sacrificed 
had  no  heart:  which  was  a  strange  thing  in  nature,  how  a  beast  could 
live  without  a  heart.  Furthermore  there  was  a  certain  soothsayer 
that  had  given  Caesar  warning  long  time  before,  to  take  heed  of  the 
day  of  the  Ides  of  March,  (which  is  the  fifteenth  of  the  month),  for 
on  that  day  he  should  be  in  great  danger.  That  day  being  come, 
Caesar  going  into  the  Senate-house,  and  speaking  merrily  unto  the 
soothsayer,  told  him  'the  Ides  of  March  be  come':  'so  they  be,' 
softly  answered  the  soothsayer,  '  but  yet  are  they  not  past ! '  And  the 
very  day  before,  Caesar,  supping  with  Marcus  Lepidus,  sealed  certain 
letters,  as  he  was  wont  to  do,  at  the  board :  so,  talk  falling  out  amongst 
them,  reasoning  what  death  was  the  best,  he,  preventing  their  opinions, 
cried  out  aloud,  'Death  unlooked  for!'  Then,  going  to  bed  the  same 
night,  as  his  manner  was,  and  lying  with  his  wife  Calpurnia,  all  the 
windows  of  his  chamber  flying  open,  the  noise  awoke  him,  and  made 
him  afraid  when  he  saw  such  light;  but  more,  when  he  heard  his  wife 
Calpurnia,  being  fast  asleep,  weep  and  sigh,  and  put  forth  many 
fumbling  lamentable  speeches ;  for  she  dreamed  that  Caesar  was  slain, 
and  that  she  held  him  in  her  arms."* 

Professor  MacCallum,  commenting  upon  this  account  says: 
"It  is  interesting  to  note  how  Shakespeare  takes  this  passage 
to  pieces,  and  assigns  those  of  them  for  which  he  has  a  place 
to  their  fitting  and  effective  position.  Plutarch's  reflections 
on  destiny  and  Caesar's  opinion  on  death  he  leaves  aside. 
The  first  warning  of  the  soothsayer  he  refers  back  to  the 
Lupercalia,  and  the  second  he  shifts  forward  to  its  natural 
place.  Calpurnia's  outcries  in  her  sleep  and  her  prophetic 
dream,  the  apparition  of  the  ghosts  mentioned  by  her  among 

*  Life  of  Caesar,  p.  98,  Skeat's  edition. 


27 

the  other  prodigies,  the  lack  of  the  heart  in  the  sacrificial 
beast,  are  reserved  for  the  scene  of  her  expostulation  with 
Caesar,  and  are  dramatically  distributed  among  the  various 
speakers;  Caesar,  the  servant,  Calpurnia  herself."* 

Pescetti  also  takes  this  same  passagef  and  distributes  the 
various  sections  in  a  manner  similar  to  Shakespeare's  treat- 
ment, but  dramatically  infinitely  inferior.  He,  however, 
devotes  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  lines  at  the  beginning 
of  the  third  act  of  "Cesare"  to  a  dialogue  between  Antony 
and  Caesar,  rather  tediously  moralizing  on  destiny  and  Caesar's 
opinion  on  death.  The  only  purpose,  dramatically,  is  to 
continue  the  feeling  of  impending  disaster  created  in  the 
previous  acts  and  to  give  Antony  an  opportunity  of  warning 
Caesar  to  beware  of  treachery.  J  The  warnings  of  the  sooth- 
sayer are  entirely  disregarded ;  the  only  intimation  we  receive 
of  this  very  effective  scene  is  the  announcement  of  the  mes- 
senger in  the  fifth  act  that  a  paper  which  gave  all  the  details 
of  the  conspiracy,  and  which  Caesar  had  had  no  opportunity 
to  read,  had  been  found  clutched  in  his  dead  hand.  Nearly 
half  his  second  act  is  occupied  by  a  long  drawn  out  dialogue 
between  Calpurnia  and  the  servant  regarding  the  former's 
fears,  and  the  terrible  dream  she  has  had.  The  Priest,  in  the 
third  act,  together  with  Calpurnia,  recounts  the  portents  to 
Caesar,  and  tries  to  dissuade  him  from  disregarding  the  mani- 
fest tokens  of  the  gods'  displeasure.  The  inspection  of  the 
sacrificial  beast  without  a  heart  is  reserved  for  the  expostu- 
lation of  the  Priest.  Pescetti,  like  Shakespeare,  thus  attempts 
a  distribution  of  the  supernatural  which  tends  to  emphasize 
the  impending  catastrophe  and  to  invest  his  play  in  an  at- 
mosphere of  portent  very  similar  to  that  created  in  "Julius 
Caesar." 

In  both  dramas  ghosts  play  important  parts.  Dramatic- 
ally, it  is  quite  probable  that  Pescetti  was  only  following  the 
Senecan  tradition  when  he  introduced  the  ghost  of  Pompey, 
but,  historically,  it  seems  that  he  was  indebted  to  Lucan  for 

*  Op.  cit.,  p.  194. 

t  Rather  Appian's  almost  parallel  account. 

J  In  the  "Cornelie"  of  Gamier  (1574)  he  also  warns  Caesar. 


28 

this  hint.  The  poet  in  Book  IX.  of  the  "Pharsalia"  describes 
how  the  soul  of  Caesar's  foe,  leaving  the  tomb,  soars  to  the 
abode  of  the  blessed,  and  thence,  looking  down  upon  the 
earth,  inspires  the  breasts  of  Brutus  and  Cato.*  This  is  the 
episode  which  probably  furnished  Pescetti  hints  for  the  em- 
ployment of  the  ghost  of  Pompey  as  the  prime  exciting  force 
upon  the  Brutus  of  his  play. 

Now,  Plutarch  mentions  the  apparition  which  appears  to 
Brutus  at  Philippi,  as  Brutus'  "ill  angel"  (page  104,  J.  C, 
Skeat).  Shakespeare  calls  it  "Caesar's  ghost,"  thereby 
immeasurably  enhancing  its  dramatic  significance.  That  he 
should  be  compelled  by  his  keen  perception  of  its  dramatic 
fitness  so  to  handle  this  episode,  seems  a  very  reasonable 
conclusion;  still,  in  view  of  his  obligations  to  Pescetti,  it 
would  not  be  stretching  probabilities  too  far  to  suggest  that 
the  Italian's  use  of  the  shade  of  Pompey  was  not  without  its 
influence  in  the  composition  of  this  particular  scene.  What 
a  fitting  example  of  poetic  justice!  That  Pompey 's  shade 
should  rouse  Brutus  to  execute  vengeance  on  a  Caesar  held 
responsible  for  his  death ;  that  this  same  ghost-inspired  zealot 
should  in  turn  have  his  own  doom  pronounced  by  the  shade 
of  his  victim,  closes  a  cycle  of  nemesis  which  surely  must  have 
appealed  to  the  great  poet. 

But  it  is  in  regard  to  the  disturbances  in  the  elements,  and 
the  attendant  prodigies,  that  we  get  a  marked  parallel  between 
the  two  plays.  Casca,  while  the  storm  is  raging,  exclaims: 

"Are  you  not  moved,  when  all  the  sway  of  earth 
Shakes,  like  a  thing  unfirm?     O  Cicero, 
I  have  seen  tempests,  when  the  scolding  winds 
Have  rived  the  knotty  oaks,  and  I  have  seen 
The  ambitious  ocean  swell  and  rage  and  foam, 
To  be  exalted  with  the  threat'ning  clouds; 
But  never  till  to-night,  never  till  now, 
Did  I  go  through  a  tempest  dropping  fire. 
Either  there  is  a  civil  strife  in  heaven, 
Or  else  the  world,  too  saucy  with  the  gods, 
Incenses  them  to  send  destruction. 

*  Pharsalia,  Book  IX.,  lines  1-23. 


29 

Cic. — Why,  saw  you  anything  more  wonderful? 
Casca — A  common  slave — you  know  him  well  by  sight, — 
Held  up  his  left  hand,  which  did  flame  and  burn 
Like  twenty  torches  joined,  and  yet  his  hand 
Not  sensible  of  fire,  remained  unscorched. 
Besides, — I  ha'  not  since  put  up  my  sword, — 
Against  the  Capitol  I  met  a  lion, 
Who  glared  upon  me,  and  went  surly  by 
Without  annoying  me.    And  there  were  drawn 
Upon  a  heap  a  hundred  ghastly  women, 
Transformed  with  their  fear,  who  swore  they  saw 
Men  all  in  fire  walk  up  and  down  the  streets. 
And  yesterday  the  bird  of  night  did  sit 
Even  at  noon-day  upon  the  Market-place, 
Hooting  and  shrieking.    When  these  prodigies 
Do  so  conjointly  meet,  let  not  men  say, 
'These  are  their  reasons:  they  are  natural:' 
For,  I  believe,  they  are  portentous  things 
Unto  the  climate  that  they  point  upon."* 

In  addition  to  the  supernatural  elements    recounted  in 
Casca's  speech,  Calpurnia  trying  to  dissuade  Caesar,  says: 

"...  There  is  one  within, 
Besides  the  things  that  we  have  heard  and  seen, 
Recounts  most  horrid  sights  seen  by  the  watch. 
A  lioness  hath  whelped  in  the  street; 
And  graves  have  yawned  and  yielded  up  their  dead; 
Fierce  fiery  warriors  fight  upon  the  clouds, 
In  ranks  and  squadrons  and  right  form  of  war, 
Which  drizzled  blood  upon  the  Capitol; 
The  noise  of  battle  hurtled  in  the  air, 
Horses  did  neigh,  and  dying  men  did  groan; 
And  ghosts  did  shriek  and  squeal  about  the  streets." 

—II.,  H,  14. 


When  beggars  die  there  are  no  comets  seen ; 

The  heavens  themselves  blaze  forth  the  death  of  princes. 

The  servant  reporting  the  sacrifice  says : 
*J.  c.,  Act  i.,  Sc.  in,  L.  1-32. 


30 

"  Plucking  the  entrails  of  an  offering  forth, 
They  could  not  find  a  heart  within  the  beast." 

The  Priest  in  "Cesare"  in  his  soliloquy  exclaims: 

"Giunon  con  spaventosi,  orribil  tuoni, 
Con  spessi  lampi,  e  fulmini  tremendi, 
Con  infauste  comete,  con  istrane 
Pioggie  di  sangue,  e  grandini  di  pietre, 
Con  sembianze  di  pugne,  con  orrendi 
Strepiti  di  tamburi,  e  suon  di  trombe, 
Con  alte  grida,  pianti,  urli,  e  lamenti, 
Uditi  nel  suo  regno  ha  mostro,  quanto 
Sia  contro  noi  d'ira,  e  di  sdegno  accesa. 
Nettun  volto  ha  sossopra  tutto  il  suo 
Immenso  regno,  e  si  gonfiato  ha  1'onde, 
Che  parea,  che  de'  suoi  confin  volesse 
Uscir,  e  tutta  subissar  la  terra; 


L'antica  madre  s'e  piu  volte  anch'  essa 

Scossa  si,  che  parea,  che  il  grave  pondo 

Dell  'huom  malvagio,  che  sostien,  volesse 

Scuoter  del  tergo  suo,  et  in  piu  luoghi 

Per  inghiottirlo  ha  il  vasto  seno  aperto : 

Ne  pur  questi  gran  corpi,  ond'ogni  cosa 

Si  genera,  ma  molti  ancor  de'  misti 

Predetto  han  gli  infortuni,  e  i  danni  nostri." — Pp.  74-75. 

In  other  portions  of  the  Priest's  soliloquy  we  read : 

"Ne  questi  pur  co'lor  maligni  aspetti, 
Ma  la  Luna  ecclissata,  anzi  di  goccie 
Sanguigne  tutta  sparsa,  e'l  Sol  d'oscuro, 
E  ferrugineo  vel  coperto  il  volto. 


Da  mille  tetti  udito  s'e  lo  stigio 
Gufo  versi  cantar  lugubri,  e  mesti; 
In  mille  tempi  gli  ebani,  e  gli  avori 
Lagrimar  si  son  visti,  e  sudar  sangue; 
Per  le  piazze,  alle  case,  a  i  tempi  intorno 
Notturni  cani  urlar  si  sono  uditi, 
E  strider  importune,  e  infauste  streghe. 
Si  son  viste  grand'ombre,  de'  sepolcri 


31 

Uscite,  andar  per  la  Citta  vagando 

Nelle  persone  alto  terror  mettendo. 

II  monte,  che  ad  Encelado  le  spalle 

Col  suo  gran  peso  calca,  e  preme,  rotte 

Le  bollenti  fornaci  ha  tai  torrenti 

Di  Zolfo,  e  di  bitume  vomitati, 

E  tante  fiamme,  e  sassi  liquefatti, 

Ch'inondate,  e  distrutte, 

Le  soggette  campagne  ha  de'  Ciclopi. 

Ma  quel  che  piti  d'ogni  altro  mi  spaventa 

E,  che  1'interiora  di  ciascuna 

Vittima  mostran  miseri,  e  infelici 

Awenimenti,  atroci,  orribil  mali: 

Perche  in  alcune  non  si  trova  il  cuore, 

In  altre  e  guasto  il  fegato,  o'l  polmone, 

Altre  di  negro  fel  son  tutte  sparse, 

Segni  tutti  evidenti  di  gran  mali."* — Pp.  75-76. 

The  soliloquy  of  the  Priest  seems  to  be  a  composite  of  the 
omens  and  prodigies  mentioned  by  Ovid,  Vergil,  Plutarch, 
Appian,  Suetonius,  and  Lucan.  Ovid  and  Vergil  seem  to  be 
his  main  sources. 

*  In  Hamlet  i,  i,  113  seq.  we  read. 

Hor.  A  mote  it  is  to  trouble  the  mind's  eye. 

In  the  most  high  and  palmy  state  of  Rome, 

A  little  ere  the  mightiest  Julius  fell, 

The  graves  stood  tenantless,  and  the  sheeted  dead, 

Did  squeak  and  gibber  in  the  Roman  streets; 

As  stars  with  trains  of  fire  and  dews  of  blood, 

Disasters  in  the  sun;  and  the  moist  star 

Upon  whose  influence  Neptune's  empire  stands, 

Was  sick  almost  to  doomsday  with  eclipse. 

And  even  the  like  precurse  of  fierce  events — 

As  harbingers  preceding  still  the  fates, 

And  prologue  to  the  omen  coming  on, — 

Have  heaven  and  earth  together  demonstrated 

Unto  our  climatures  and  country  men. — 

The  text  is  obviously  corrupt.  These  lines  do  not  appear  in  the  Folio,  nor  is 
there  any  trace  of  them  in  the  earliest  quarto.  It  has  been  conjectured  that 
the  poet  suppressed  this  passage  in  representation,  after  he  had  written  "Julius 
Caesar."  Certainly  the  similarity  to  Pescetti  is  striking.  The  "dews  of  blood " 
are  again  mentioned;  also  the  eclipse  of  the  moon,  neither  occurring  in  Plutarch. 


32 

Almost  all  of  the  ancient  authorities  mention  the  super- 
natural in  connection  with  the  life  of  Caesar.  The  extra- 
ordinary prodigies  and  portents  attending  his  crossing  of  the 
Rubicon  and  his  assassination  are  recorded  in  more  or  less 
detail.  Among  the  authors  accessible  to  Shakespeare,  Ovid 
was  available  in  the  translation  of  the  Metamorphoses  made 
by  Arthur  Golding  in  1567  and  several  times  reprinted  before 
1600.  Appian  had  been  translated  in  1578,  while  Marlowe's 
translation  of  Lucan's  first  book,  while  it  remained  unpublished 
till  1600  (after  the  first  performance  of  "Julius  Caesar*'),* 
may  have  been  know  to  the  dramatist  in  manuscript.  But 
the  substance  of  Lucan's  account  was  accessible  in  Lydgate's 
translation  of  Boccaccio's  "De  Casibus  Virorum  Illustrium." 
While  Lucan  mentions  only  the  omens  preceding  Caesar's 
entry  into  Rome  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  Wars,  his  work 
was  a  favorite  source  for  the  matters  mentioned.  Neither 
Vergil's  "Georgics",  nor  Suetonius'  "Lives",  had  as  yet  been 
translated. 

The  question  of  Shakespeare's  classical  learning  does  not 
concern  us.  The  problem  at  issue  is  not  whether  the  dramatist 
might  have  obtained  his  information  directly  from  the  ancient 
authors  or  through  available  translations.  The  following  dis- 
cussion purposes  to  adduce  the  evidence  in  support  of  the 
contention  that  Pescetti  was  the  source  of  most,  if  not  all,  of 
the  non-Plutarchian  matter  included  by  the  dramatist  in  his 
handling  of  the  supernatural. 

That  Shakespeare  could  not  have  built  up  his  recital  from 
an  imaginative  transformation  of  Plutarch's  hints  seems 
precluded  by  an  examination  of  the  various  sources  already 
mentioned.  These  contain  the  substance  of  the  non-Plu- 
tarchian matter;  it  remains  to  establish  Pescetti 's  claims 
against  this  evidence. 

While  there  is  a  striking  agreement  as  a  whole  in  the  various 
accounts  of  the  classic  writers,  no  single  one  contains  all  the 
omens  recorded  by  Shakespeare.  Pescetti,  however,  not  only 

*  In  an  account  of  a  visit  to  London  written  by  Thomas  Platter,  a  merchant 
of  Basle,  he  mentions  a  performance  of  "Julius  Caesar,"  Sept.  21,  1599. 
(Ency.  Brit.,  XI.  ed.,  Art.  Shakespeare.) 


33 

has  the  most  comprehensive  extant  record  but  he  accompanies 
his  account  with  individual  touches  which  seem  reflected  in 
Shakespeare's  subsequent  treatment. 

An  examination  of  the  portents  mentioned  by  Shakespeare 
reveals  the  following  which  can  be  traced  to  Plutarch:  the 
flaming  hand;  the  men  all  in  fire  walking  up  and  down;  the 
bird  of  night  at  noon-day  hooting  and  shrieking  in  the  market 
place;  the  beast  without  a  heart;  the  comet.  In  addition  we 
have  the  following  not  indicated  by  the  biographer:  the  tre- 
mendous storm;  the  earthquake;  the  raging  seas  referred  to 
by  Casca ;  the  wild  beasts  roaming  the  streets ;  the  civil  strife 
in  the  heavens;  the  dead  leaving  their  sepulchres;  the  battle 
in  the  clouds. 

Taking  the  earthquake  first,  a  comparison  of  the  available 
sources  reveals  the  following:  Casca  says  to  Cicero, 

"Are  you  not  moved  when  all  the  sway  of  earth, 
Shakes  like  a  thing  unfirm?" 

Vergil  mentions  the  earthquakes  in  the  Alps  and  the  openings 
of  the  earth  as  portents  of  Caesar's  death.*  Lucanf  says 
4 'The  Alps  shook  off  their  ancient  snows,"  while  Lydgatet  has 

"Earthquaues  sodayne  and  terrible 
Ouertourned  castels  up  so  doune." 

In  Ovid  we  read, 

"And  with  an  earthquake  shaken  was  the  towne."§ 

Pescetti  mentions  not  only  the  earthquake,  but  he  adds  the 
violent  upheaval  of  the  seas,  together  with  an  individual  touch 
peculiar  to  him  alone  which  seems  reflected  in  Shakespeare's 
treatment. 

*  See  "Georgics,"  Book  I.,  lines  463-488,  for  Vergil's  account  of  the  omens. 

fLucan's  account  is  found  in  the  Pharsalia,  Bk.  I.,  lines  523-583;  Ovid's 
in  the  Metamorphoses,  Bk.  XV.,  lines  783-798. 

t  Lydgate's  "Fall  of  Princes,"  Boke  Sixte,  Chap.  XI.,  Leaf  CXLVL,  Edition 
of  1558  (see  Bibliography). 

§  Translation  by  Golding,  Ed.  1575. 


34 

"Nettun  volto  h£  sossopra  tutto  il  suo 
Immense  regno,  e  si  gonfiato  ha  1'onde, 
Che  parea,  che  de  suoi  confm  volesse 
Uscir,  e  tutta  subissar  la  terra; 
E  quanti  legni  han  questi  dl  solcato 
II  mar,  tanti  egli  n'ha  miseramente 
O  trangugiati,  o  in  duri  scogli  spinti. 
L'antica  madre  s'e  piu  volte  anch'essa 
Scossa  si,  che  parea,  che'l  grave  pondo 
Dell'  huom  malvagio,  che  sostien,  volesse 
Scuoter  dal  tergo  suo,  et  in  piu  luoghi 
Per  inghiottirlo  h£  il  vasto  seno  aperto." — Pp.  75- 

The  disturbance  of  the  waters  is  not  mentioned  by  Plutarch 
or  Ovid.  Casca  does  not  specifically  state  that  such  a  con- 
dition of  affairs  prevailed;  he  uses  it  as  a  comparison.  But 
such  a  disturbance  is  indicated  in  Lucan.  In  Marlowe's* 
translation  we  read : 

"The  ocean  swelled  as  high  as  Spanish  Galpe 
Or  Atlas'  head."f 

Lydgate  has 

"Wyth  flodes  rage,  hydious  and  horrible 
Neptunus  dyd  great  distraction." 

Vergil  speaks  of  the  overflow  of  Eridanus,  J 

"Eridanus,  king  of  rivers,  overflowed,  whirling  in  mad  eddy  whole 
woods  along  and  tore  away  the  herds  with  their  stalls  over  all  the 
plains."§ 

Of  all  these  possible  sources  Pescetti  supplies  the  closest 
parallel;  Vergil  and  Lydgate  seem  too  remote  for  consider- 

*  Works  of  Christopher  Marlowe.  Edited  by  Alexander  Dyce.  London, 
Wm.  Pickering,  1850. 

t  Tethys  maioribus  undis 

Hesperiam  Calpen  summumque  impleuit  Atlanta.     Phar.  Bk.  I,  L.  555. 
J  Proluit  insano  contorquens  vertice  silvas 

Fluviorum  rex  Eridanus,  camposque  per  omnes 

Cum  stabulis  armenta  tulit.     Geo.  Bk.   i,  L.  481  ff.     Ed.  Teubner. 
§  Translation  by  Davidson.     Harper's  Classical  Library,  New  York,  1896. 


35 

ation  in  this  connection.  Were  we  to  exclude  Lucan  on  the 
ground  that  his  account  deals  with  a  different  period  of  Caesar's 
career,  Pescetti's  case  would  be  still  further  strengthened,  for 
the  Italian  contains  not  only  the  substance  of  Casca's  out- 
burst, but  there  is  a  similarity  in  both  style  and  sentiment. 
Where  Pescetti  says, 

"Nettun  volto  h&  sossopra  tutto  il  suo 
Immense  regno,  e  si  gonfiato  h£  1'onde, 
Che  parea,  che  de'  suoi  confin  volesse 
Uscir,  e  tutta  subissar  la  terra:" 

Shakespeare  supplies  the  more  poetic, 

"  I  have  seen 

The  ambitious  ocean  swell  and  rage  and  foam 
To  be  exalted  with  the  threat'ning  clouds." 

Again,  the  earthquake  is  mentioned  in  close  connection  with 
the  raging  of  the  waters,  a  feature  missing  in  the  other  possible 
sources,  while  Casca's  statement  regarding  the  anger  of  the 
gods  finds  its  counterpart  not  only  in  this  portion  of  Pescetti's 
recital,  but  later  where  the  dramatist,  detailing  other  mani- 
festations of  the  gods'  displeasure,  says, 

"Giunon 

ha  mostro,  quanto 

Sia  contra  noi  d'ira  e  di  sdegno  accessa." 

Such  a  condition  of  affairs  is  only  faintly  adumbrated  in  Ovid 
or  Lucan. 

The  slave  with  the  burning  hand  is  from  Plutarch.  The 
"hundred  ghastly  women  transformed  with  their  fear" 
seems  a  specification  of  the  terror  inspired  by  the  ghosts  as 
recorded  by  Pescetti, 

"Si  son  viste  grand'  ombre,  de'  sepolcri 
Uscite,  andar  per  la  Citt£  vagando 
Nelle  persone  alto  terror  mettendo."* — P.  75. 

*  Lydgate  says: 

Another  token  pitous  for  here 

Which  astonied  many  a  proude  Romayne 


36 

Plutarch  mentions  the  men  in  fire,  but  says  nothing  of  the 
fear  inspired  by  them  or  by  the  ghosts. 

The  "bird  of  night  sitting  at  noon-day  upon  the  market 
place,  hooting  and  shrieking"  was  probably  primarily  derived 
from  Plutarch's  "solitary  birds  to  be  seen  at  noon  days  sitting 
in  the  great  market  place."  The  biographer  calls  them 
"solitary  birds"  and  makes  no  reference  to  any  hooting  and 
shrieking.  Vergil  refers  to  the  "presaging  birds";*  Ovid 
says  that  the  Stygian  owl  gave  omens  of  ill  in  a  thousand 
places  ;f  Lydgate  speaks  of  the  "  fowles  at  noonday  " ;  Marlowe, 
translating  Lucan,  that  "Ominous  birds  defil'd  the  day." 
Pescetti,  almost  literally  translating  Ovid,  has: 

"Da  mille  tetti  udito  s'e  lo  stigio 
Gufo  versi  cantar  lugubri  e  mesti." 

He  calls  the  bird  the  owl:  Shakespeare  refers  to  "the  bird 
of  night,  hooting  and  shrieking."  The  Italian  could  here 
supply  as  much  as  any  of  the  other  non-Plutarchian  sources. 

Calpurnia  says, 

"Graves  have  yawned  and  yielded  up  their  dead." 

Plutarch  mentions  the  "spirits  running  up  and  down  in  the 
night";  Vergil,  that  "spectres  strangely  pale  were  seen  under 
cloud  of  night."J  Ovid§  says:  "And  everywhere  appeared 

Dead  bodies  dyd  in  the  feldes  appere 
Which  in  battayle  had  afore  be  slayne, 
Fro  their  tombes  rising  where  they  layne, 
*  Obscenaeque  canes  importunaeque  volucres 

Signa  dabant.     Georgics,  Bk.  I.,  line  470. 

t  Tristia  mille  locis  Stygius  dedit  omina  bubo.  Met.,  Bk.  XV.  Ed. 
Teubner.  L.  791. 

This  Golding  quaintly  translates, 

The  Screeche  owle  sent  from  hell, 
Did  with  her  tune  unfortunate  in  every  corner  yell. 
J        et  simulacra  modis  pallentia  miris 
Visa  sub  obscurum  noctis.     L.  477.     Georg.  I. 
§  umbrasque  silentum 

Erravisse  ferunt.     L.  797.     Met.,  XV. 


37 

ghastly  spryghtes"  (Golding).  Lucan  mentions  the  ghosts; 
so  does  Lydgate.  But  none  of  the  above  state  that  "graves 
have  yawned  and  yielded  up  their  dead."  Pescetti  supplies 
a  close  parallel : 

"Si  son  visti  grand'  ombre,  de'  sepolcri 
Uscite,  andar  per  la  citta  vagando, 
Nelle  persone  alto  terror  mettendo." 

The  battle  in  the  clouds  is  mentioned  by  Ovid,* 

"For  battells  feyghting  in  the  cloudes  with  crasshing  armour  flew, 
And  dreadfull  trumpets  sownded  in  the  ayre,  and  homes  eeke  blew." 

(Golding.) 

Lucan  says:  "Trumpets  sounded  and  black  night,  amid  the 
silent  shades,  sent  forth  an  uproar  as  that  with  which  the 
cohorts  are  mingled  in  combat."f  In  Shakespeare  the  combat 
is  closely  associated  with  the  drizzling  of  blood  upon  the 
Capitol.  This  is  not  found  in  Lucan,  while  Ovid,  in  a  detached 
phrase,  says: 

"  It  often  rayned  droppes  of  blood."J     (Golding.) 

Shakespeare  speaks  of  the  "noise  of  battle  hurtling  in  the 
air"  and  of  the  groans  of  the  dying.  Pescetti  has  all  that 
Ovid  mentions  in  this  connection,  closely  connected  and  as- 
sociated with  the  shouts  and  groans  in  the  heavens.  This 
latter  is  not  found  in  Ovid. 

"Giunon  con  spaventosi,  orribil  tuoni, 
Con  spessi  lampi,  e  fulmini  tremendi, 
Con  infauste  comete,  con  istrane 
Pioggie  di  sangue,  e  grandini  di  pietre, 
Con  sembianze  di  pugne,  con  orrendi 

*  Arma  ferunt  inter  nigras  crepitantia  nubes, 

Terribilesque  tubas,  auditaque  cornua  caelo. .     Met.,  XV.     LI.  783-4. 
t  Insonuere  tubae  et  quanto  clamore  cohortes 
Miscentur  tantum  nox  astra  silentibus  umbris     Phar.,  Bk.  I.,  578-80. 

Edidit. 
Vergil  has,  Armorum  sonitum  toto  Germania  caelo 

Audiit.     Georg.,  Bk.  I.,  1.  474. 

J  Saepe  inter  nimbos  guttae  cecidere  cruentae.     Met.,  Bk.  XV.,  1.  788. 
Appian  mentions  the  rain  of  blood  in  connection  with  the  crossing  of  the  Rubicon. 


38 

Strepiti  di  tamburi,  e  suon  di  trombe, 
Con  alte  grida,  pianti,  urli,  e  lamenti, 
Uditi  nel  suo  regno  ha  mostro,  quanto 
Sia  contra  noi  d'ira,  e  di  sdegno  accesa." — P.  74. 

The  comet  is  mentioned  by  Plutarch,  but  as  occurring  after 
Caesar's  death.  Lucan  mentions  comets;  so  do  Vergil  and 
Ovid.  They  are  also  in  Pescetti.  The  omen  of  the  beast 
without  a  heart  is  recorded  by  Plutarch,  but  not  as  occurring 
on  the  day  of  the  assassination.  Appian  so  has  it  and  so  it 
appears  in  Pescetti. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  evident  that  Shakespeare  could 
have  derived  through  Pescetti  the  omens  not  mentioned  by 
Plutarch.  The  Italian  seems  to  have  made  use  of  all  the 
generally  available  authorities.  There  is,  however,  one  omen 
mentioned  by  Shakespeare  which  is  not  found  in  any  of  the 
assumed  sources.  There  is  no  mention  of  the  lions  which 
Casca  saw,  nor  of  the  lioness  which  whelped  in  the  street. 
Vergil  speaks  of  the  "  ill-omened  dogs"  and  of  "cities  resound- 
ing with  the  howling  of  wolves  by  night."*  Lucanf  supplies  a 
closer  parallel. 

" wild  beasts  were  seen, 

Leaving  the  woods,  lodge  in  the  streets  of  Rome."| 

Lions  are  not  mentioned,  but  Lydgate,  translating  Boccaccio, 
who  in  turn  derived  from  Lucan,  has  the  following: 

"Lyons  and  wolves  came  down  from  the  forest 
Wy th  many  other  beastes  sauagyne ; 
Came  to  the  cite,  and  some  agayne  kynde, 
Spake  as  do  men  in  Bochas  as  I  fynde."§ 

Pescetti  goes  as  far  as  Ovid  or  Vergil.     Following  them,  he 
writes, 

* ;  et  altae 

Per  noctem  resonare  lupis  ululantibus  urbes.     Geo.,  Bk.  L,  1.  486. 
t  Siluisque  feras  sub  nocte  relictis 

Audaces  media  posuisse  cubilia  Roma.     Phar.,  Bk.  I,  11.  559-60. 
J  Translation  by  Marlowe. 
§  Falls  of  Princes,  Bk.  VI. 


39 

"Per  le  piazze,  alle  case,  a  i  tempi  intorno, 
Notturni  cani  urlar  si  son  uditi." — P.  75. 

Yet  none  of  the  sources  quoted  above  makes  mention  of  the 
lioness  whelping  in  the  streets.  Lydgate  affords  the  closest 
parallel,  and  was  probably  one  of  Shakespeare's  sources  unless 
we  are  willing  to  concede  to  the  dramatist  a  far  deeper  and 
wider  knowledge  of  the  classics  than  even  the  most  enthusiastic 
advocates  of  his  learning  have  dared  to  maintain.  The 
whelping  of  beasts  is  noted  as  ominous  in  Julius  Obsequens;* 
but  Shakespeare  could  hardly  have  derived  from  such  an 
obscure  authority. 

From  the  foregoing  examination  of  the  various  portents  and 
prodigies  included  in  "Julius  Caesar"  it  is  evident  that,  ex- 
cluding those  plainly  derived  from  Plutarch,  and  the  matter  of 
the  lions,  Shakespeare  could  have  obtained  all  the  rest  from 
Pescetti.  Owing  to  his  habitual  method  of  manipulating 
and  transforming  material  not  directly  found  in  his  main 
source,  it  becomes  exceedingly  difficult  definitely  to  fix  the 
dramatist's  obligations  to  his  minor  sources.  The  case  under 
consideration  is  typical.  It  is  certain  that  Plutarch  did  not 
furnish  all  the  hints  Shakespeare  employed.  There  seems 
to  be  no  good  reason  for  denying  him  a  knowledge  of  Ovid. 
He  certainly  was  acquainted  with  Golding's  translation.  Nor 
can  we  fairly  assume  ignorance  of  such  a  mine  of  information 
as  Lydgate's  work  furnishes.  It  is  altogether  probable  that 
in  the  composition  of  the  particular  scenes  discussed,  Shake- 
speare employed  a  wider  range  of  sources  than  has  been 
credited.  Nevertheless,  while  he  might  have  built  up  his 
incidents  from  a  selection  from  various  authors,  Pescetti's 
account,  containing  in  its  one  hundred  and  three  lines  by  far 
the  most  comprehensive  extant  account  of  the  omens,  set 
with  an  eye  to  dramatic  effect  in  a  tragedy  dealing  with  the 
death  of  Caesar,  and  accompanied  by  touches  not  recorded 
elsewhere,  formed  the  most  convenient  source  for  the  dramatist. 

Besides,  Shakespeare's  whole  handling  of  the  supernatural 
element  is  reminiscent  of  Pescetti's  use  of  the  same  material. 

*  Julius  Obsequens,  CXV.,  mentioned  by  Sykes  in  op.  cit. 


40 

The  Italian  sought  to  give  his  drama  a  portentous  back- 
ground; Shakespeare  succeeded  in  doing  so  in  a  manner  which, 
however  greatly  superior  dramatically,  seems  nevertheless 
but  an  extension  of  Pescetti's  efforts. 

The  evidence  herein  presented  is  cumulative;  the  case  for 
Pescetti  does  not  rest  here.  Not  only  could  Shakespeare 
have  derived  from  Pescetti  the  historical  matter  not  found  in 
Plutarch,  but  his  treatment  of  certain  original  scenes  in  his 
drama  bears  a  very  close  resemblance  to  the  same  scenes  as 
they  occur  in  "Cesare."  This  is  particularly  striking  in 
portions  of  the  Brutus-Cassius  action. 


THE  BRUTUS-CASSIUS  SCENES 

Especially  important  for  our  purpose  is  the  fact  that 
Pescetti  makes  use  of  materials  and  situations  not  found  in 
the  historians  but  later  used  by  Shakespeare.  Of  these 
perhaps  the  most  significant  is  to  be  found  in  the  conversation 
between  Brutus  and  Cassius  regarding  Antony.  This  is  one 
of  the  most  striking  parallels  to  be  found  in  the  play.  In 
Pescetti,  as  later  in  Shakespeare,  Cassius  strenuously  favors 
the  killing  of  Antony  along  with  Caesar,  and  the  reasons  he 
advances  are  almost  exactly  those  found  in  Shakespeare.  As 
in  the  latter's  tragedy,  Brutus  allows  his  magnanimity  to 
overbalance  his  prudence,  so  in  Pescetti,  Brutus  uses  almost 
the  same  arguments  against  Cassius'  plan  as  he  uses  in  Shake- 
speare's work. 

Plutarch  nowhere  specifically  states  that  Cassius  opposed 
Antony's  entry  into  the  conspiracy,  or  suggested  his  death.* 
Thus  in  the  life  of  Marcus  Antonius  we  read:  "This  was  a 
good  encouragement  for  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  conspire  his 
death,  who  fell  into  a  consort  with  their  trustiest  friends,  to 
execute  their  enterprise,  but  yet  stood  doubtful  whether  they 
should  make  Antonius  privy  to  it  or  not.  All  the  rest  liked 
of  it,  saving  Trebonius  only.  He  told  them  that,  when  they 
rode  to  meet  Caesar  on  his  return  out  of  Spain,  Antony  and 
he  always  keeping  company,  and  lying  together  by  the  way, 
he  felt  his  mind  afar  off;  but  Antonius  finding  his  meaning, 
would  hearken  no  more  unto  it,  and  yet  notwithstanding, 
never  made  Caesar  acquainted  with  this  talk,  but  had  faith- 
fully kept  it  to  himself.  After  that,  they  consulted  whether 
they  should  kill  Antonius  with  Caesar.  But  Brutus  would 
in  nowise  consent  to  it,  saying,  that  venturing  on  such  an 
enterprise  as  that,  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  justice, 
it  ought  to  be  clear  from  all  villany."t  In  the  life  of  Marcus 

*  Neither  does  Appian. 

t  Shakespeare's  Plutarch.     Ed.  by  W.  W.  Skeat,  page  164. 


42 

Brutus,  Plutarch  writes:  "For  it  was  set  down  and  agreed 
between  them,  that  they  should  kill  no  man  but  Caesar  only, 
and  should  entreat  all  the  rest  to  look  to  defend  their  liberty. 
All  the  conspirators,  but  Brutus,*  determining  upon  this 
matter,  thought  it  good  also  to  kill  Antonius,  because  he  was 
a  wicked  man,  and  that  in  nature  favored  tyranny;  besides, 
also,  for  he  was  in  great  estimation  with  soldiers,  having 
been  conversant  of  long  time  amongst  them;  and  especially 
having  a  mind  bent  to  great  enterprises,  he  was  also  of  great 
authority  at  that  time,  being  Consul  with  Caesar.  But 
Brutus  would  not  agree  to  it.  First,  for  that  he  said  it  was 
not  honest;  secondly,  because  he  told  them  that  there  was 
hope  of  change  in  him.  For  he  did  not  mistrust  but  that 
Antonius,  being  a  noble-minded  and  courageous  man  (when 
he  should  know  that  Caesar  was  dead),  would  willingly  help 
his  country  to  recover  her  liberty,  having  them  an  example 
unto  him  to  follow  their  courage  and  virtue. "f 

In  Pescetti  the  conspiracy  has  been  hatched  before  the  play 
begins,  as  is  evident  from  the  following  lines.  Thus  Cassius, 
finding  Brutus  in  the  gloom  of  early  morning  apostrophizing 
the  shade  of  Pompey,  asks: 

"Qual  pensier  ti  molesta,  e  si  per  tempo 
Abbandonar  ti  fa  le  molli  piume?" — P.  15. 

to  which  Brutus  replies, 

"Oggi,  Cassio,  disposto  ho  di  dar  fine 
A  quel,  che  gia  per  noi  s'e  divisato." — P.  16. 

namely,  the  death  of  the  tyrant.  Brutus  and  Cassius  enter 
the  temple  to  pray  for  the  success  of  their  enterprise,  while  the 
Priest,  and  then  the  Chorus  holds  the  stage.  On  their  re- 
appearance immediately  thereafter,  the  two  conspirators 
discuss  the  details  of  the  assassination.  I  will  quote  the  entire 
dialogue  relating  to  Antony. 

*Appian  says:  "Some  of  the  Conspirators"  (1578  Ed.). 
Plutarch,  page  119.     Skeat. 


43 


f — Parmi  d'avere  scorto  in  Marcantonio 
Disio  di  dominar:  percio  s'in  tutto 
Vogliam  la  patria  assicurar,  spegniamo 
Anco  lui  col  Tiranno,  e  fuor  de  gli  occhi 
Tragghiamci  questo  stecco,  che  potrebbe, 
Quando  che  sia,  non  poca  briga  darne. 
Che  tu  sai  ben,  quanto  li  siano  amici 
I  veteran!,  e  quanto  acconcio  ei  sia 
Gli  animi  a  concitar  del  volgo  insano. 

Bru. — S'ad  altri,  oltre  al  Tiranno,  darem  morte, 
Si  stimera  dal  volgo,  che  le  cose 
Sempre  stravolge,  e  falsamente  espone, 
Che  non  disio  di  liberar  la  patria, 
Ma  private  odio,  e  brama  di  vendetta 
A  ci6  sospinti  n'abbia,  e  di  quell'opra, 
Onde  da  noi  s'attende  eterna  fama, 
N'acquisterem  vergogna,  e  biasmo  eterno: 
E  dove  nome  di  pieta  cerchiamo, 
Sarem  del  titol  d'empieta  notati; 
N£  percid  a  noi  gran  fatto  avrem  giovato; 
Che  non  e  Marcantonio  huom,  di  cui  deggia 
Altri  temer  gran  fatto,  un'huomo  al  ventre 
Dedito,  e  al  sonno,  e  ne'  piacer  venerei, 
Nelle  dissolutioni,  e  nell'ebbrezze 
Snervato,  e  rotto  osara  prender  1'arme 
Contra  color,  che  nulla  ebber  giammai 
Amicizia  con  1'ozio,  o  col  piacere, 
Ma  tutta  trapassar  lor  vita  in  duri 
Studi  et  in  faticosi  aspri  esercizi? 
E'l  veder  a  che  fin  pervengan  quelli, 
Ch'altrui  cercan  di  tor  la  libertade, 
E  la  recente  morte  del  Tiranno 
Spaventarallo  in  guisa,  che  s'in  lui 
Fosse  di  dominar  alcun  disio 
Subito  spegnerassi.     Cas. — fe  Marcantonio 
Dedito  certo  all'ozio,  et  ai  piaceri, 
Ma  di  lui  per  contrario  non  si  trova 
Altri  piu  forte,  e  coraggioso,  e  delle 
Fatiche,  e  de'disagi  paziente, 
Quando  e'fa  d'uopo;  onde  si  poca  stima 
Non  e  da  far  di  lui:  di  ci6  che  dica 


44 

II  volgo,  il  volgo  sciocco,  ben  dovemo 

Noi  poco  conto  far,  che  chi  si  muove 

Per  le  voci  del  volgo,  e  piti  del  volgo 

Lieve,  e  incostante.     Br.     In  somma  e'non  si  deve 

Punir,  chi  non  ha  errato,  e  a  me  non  basta 

L'animo  di  dar  morte  a  chi  nocciuto 

Non  m'ha,  ne  fatto  ingiuria.    Cas.    A  me  piu  saggio 

Sembra  colui  che'l  suo  nemico  uccide 

Pria,  che  1'offenda,  che  colui,  che  dopo 

Ch'e  stato  offeso,  vendica  1'ingiuria. 

Bru. — Non  il  pensier,  ma  1'opra  punir  vuolsi; 
Oltra,  che  chi  m'accerta,  ch'ei  tal  mente 
Abbia  qual  dici?    Chi  pu6  dentro  il  petto, 
Suo  penetrar?    e  ci6,  che  vi  nasconde, 
Veder?    Gli  uman  pensier  sol  Giove  intende. 

Cas. — Bruto,  tu  se'  troppo  pietoso:  voglia 
II  Ciel,  che  questa  tua  pieta  non  sia 
Un  giorno  a  noi  crudel.    Nel  risanare 
Dall'ulcere  nascenti  i  corpi  il  ferro, 
E'l  fuoco  oprar  convien,  che  tu  ben  sai, 
Che  '1  medico  pietoso  infistolisce 
La  piaga,  e  spesso  tutto  il  corpo  infetta. 

Bru. — Col  troncar  della  testa  all'altre  membra 
Troncasi  ogni  vigore,  ogni  possanza. 

Cas. — Nell'  Idra  ov'una  testa  si  troncava, 
Ivi  ne  rinascean  subito  sette. 

Bru. — Pur  alia  fine  anch'ella  estinta  giacque. 

Cas. — SI,  ma  da  un  figlio  dell'eterno  Giove. 
Bru. — Chiunque  ama  virtu,  figlio  e  di  Giove; 

Ma  cid  lasciam  da  parte,  et  ogni  nostro 

Pensier  intorno  si  raggiri,  e  volga 

Alia  morte  di  Giulio.* — Pp.  25-27. 

*  This  scene  goes  far  beyond  Muret  and  Grevin.      In  Muretus  the  scene 
is  confined  to  the  following  lines: 
Cass.— • 

Unus  mihi  nunc  scrupulus  res  tat: 

Unane  opera  confodiendum 

Cum  Caesare  ipso  censeas  Antonium? 


45 

In  Shakespeare  we  have  the  following: 
Dec. — Shall  no  man  else  be  touched  but  only  Caesar? 

Cas. — Decius,  well  urged:  I  think  it  is  not  meet, 
Mark  Antony,  so  well  beloved  of  Caesar, 
Should  outlive  Caesar:  we  shall  find  of  him 
A  shrewd  contriver ;  and  you  know  his  means, 
If  he  improve  them,  may  well  stretch  so  far 
As  to  annoy  us  all :  which  to  prevent, 
Let  Antony  and  Caesar  fall  together. 

Bru. — Our  course  will  seem  too  bloody,  Caius  Cassius, 
To  cut  the  head  off  and  then  hack  the  limbs, 
Like  wrath  in  death  and  envy  afterwards; 
For  Antony  is  but  a  limb  of  Caesar: 
Let  us  be  sacrificers,  but  not  butchers,  Caius. 
We  all  stand  up  against  the  spirit  of  Caesar, 

Bru. — Jam  saepe  dixi,  id  esse  consilium  mihi, 

Salvis  perimere  civibus  tyrannida. 
Cass. — Perimatur  ergo  ab  infimis  radicibus, 

Ne  quando  post  hac  caesa  rursum  pullulet. 
Bru. — Latet  sub  uno  tola  radix  corpore. 
Cass. — Itan'  videtur?  amplius  nil  proloquar. 

Tibi  pareatur;  te  sequimur  omnes  ducem. 

Vide  modo,  ut,  cum  opus  erit,  adsis.  Brut,  videro.     Lines  184  ff. 
Grevin  differs  but  slightly.     Cassius  says: 

Mais  j'ay  je  ne  scay  quoy  qui  mi  detient  pensif. 

N'estes  vous  pas  d'advis  que  de  force  pareille 

Nous  abordions  Antoine,  a  fin  qu'il  ne  resveille, 

L'orgueil  de  ce  Tyran  en  ses  nouveaux  amis? 
M.  Brute. 

Je  vous  ay  tousjours  diet  que  ce  n'est  mon  advis. 
Cassius. 

Si  seroit-ce  bien  faict,  arrachans  la  racine, 

Avecque  le  gros  tronc  de  tout  ceste  vermine, 

De  peur  qu'ell'  ne  revive,  ou  que  le  pied  laisse, 

Ne  resemble  celuy  qui  1'auroit  devance. 
M.  Brute. 

C'est  assez,  soyez  prest,  pendant  que  je  regarde, 

Que  chascun  de  mes  gens  se  tienne  sur  sa  garde.     Lines  508  ff. 
Cassius  exults  in  the  prospect  of  liberty  and  the  scene  closes.     It  is   curious 
to  remark  the  simile  regarding  Antony's  relations  to  Caesar  which  runs  through 
Muretus,  Grevin,  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare.     In  all  Caesar  is  likened  to  a 
trunk  of   which  Antony  is  simply  an  appendage. 


46 

And  in  the  spirit  of  men  there  is  no  blood : 
O,  that  we  then  could  come  by  Caesar's  spirit, 
And  not  dismember  Caesar !    But,  alas, 
Caesar  must  bleed  for  it.    And,  gentle  friends, 
Let's  kill  him  boldly,  but  not  wrathfully; 
Let's  carve  him  as  a  dish  fit  for  the  gods, 
Not  hew  him  as  a  carcass  fit  for  hounds; 
And  let  our  hearts,  as  subtle  masters  do, 
Stir  up  their  servants  to  an  act  of  rage 
And  after  seem  to  chide  'em.    This  shall  make 
Our  purpose  necessary  and  not  envious: 
Which  so  appearing  to  the  common  eyes, 
We  shall  be  call'd  purgers,  not  murderers. 
And  for  Mark  Antony,  think  not  of  him ; 
For  he  can  do  no  more  than  Caesar's  arm 
When  Caesar's  head  is  off. 

Cas. —  Yet  I  fear  him, 

For  in  the  ingrafted  love  he  bears  to  Caesar — 

Bru. — Alas!  good  Cassius,  do  not  think  of  him: 
If  he  love  Caesar,  all  that  he  can  do 
Is  to  himself,  take  thought,  and  die  for  Caesar; 
And  that  were  much  he  should,  for  he  is  given 
To  sports,  to  wild  ness  and  much  company. 

Treb. — There  is  no  fear  in  him;  let  him  not  die; 

For  he  will  live  and  laugh  at  this  hereafter. 

—II.,  i,  11.  I54-I9L 

The  statements  in  the  above  quotation  which  can,  how- 
ever faintly,  be  traced  to  Plutarch,  are  the  love  of  Antony  for 
Caesar,  his  power  both  as  Consul  and  general,  his  ambitious 
mind,  and,  at  some  length,  his  loose  manner  of  living.f  But 
nowhere  does  the  biographer  mention  this  last  among  the 
reasons  urged  by  Brutus  for  his  salvation,  nor  that  he  was  but  a 
"limb  of  Caesar."  Nor,  in  the  handling  of  this  scene  by 
either  Pescetti  or  Shakespeare  do  we  find  Brutus  considering 
Antony  a  noble-minded  man,  who,  once  Caesar  were  dead, 
would  gladly  help  his  country  regain  her  liberty. 

*  Julius  Caesar,  n,  i,  11.  154-191. 

t  Particularly  in  "Marcus  Antonius,"  page  161. 


47 

The  reasons  urged  by  Cassius  are  in  substance  exactly  the 
same  in  Pescetti  as  in  Shakespeare.  They  are  either  entirely 
absent,  or  only  faintly  indicated  in  scattered  hints  throughout 
Plutarch  or  Appian.  The  similarity  is  at  times  almost 
verbal.  Thus  Cassius,  in  urging  the  death  of  Antony  says: 

E  fuor  degli  occhi 

Tragghiamci  questo  stecco,  che  potrebbe, 
Quando  che  sia,  non  poca  briga  darne. 

Translated  this  reads, 

And  from  our  eyes 
Let  us  pluck  this  thorn,  which  might, 
Some  time  or  other,  cause  us  no  little  annoyance. 

Shakespeare  makes  Cassius  exclaim, 

And  you  know  his  means 
If  he  improve  them,  may  well  stretch  so  far 
As  to  annoy  us  all. 

Sir  William  Alexander  in  his  "Tragedy  of  Julius  Caesar" 
(circa  1604-7),  in  the  course  of  the  same  debate,  puts  the 
following  in  the  mouth  of  Cassius: 

Well  Brutus,  I  protest  against  my  will 
From  this  black  cloud,  whatever  tempest  fall, 
That  mercy  but  most  cruelly  doth  kill, 
Which  saves  one,  who  once  may  plague  us  all. 
Works  of  Stirling.     Edition  1870,  Glasgow,  p.  280. 

While  it  is  still  to  be  proved  that  Alexander  borrowed  any- 
thing from  Shakespeare,  it  is  certain,  as  will  be  shown  later,* 
that  he  not  only  followed  Grevin,  but  also  derived  many  hints 
from  Pescetti.  Although  Plutarch  was  a  common  source  for 
all  three  authors,  it  is  certainly  remarkable  to  find  them  all, 
in  the  same  scene,  using  exactly  the  same  term  to  characterize 
the  threatened  activity  of  Antony.  Pescetti,  Shakespeare, 
and  Alexander  agree  in  making  Cassius  urge  the  conspirators 
to  kill  him,  for  fear,  that  if  spared,  he  might  annoy  them  all. 

*Page  114  et  seq. 


48 

Cassius  says  further: 

We  shall  find  of  him 

A  shrewd  contriver; 

I 
And  in  a  later  scene  when  Brutus  says  of  Antony, 

"  I  know  that  we  shall  have  him  well  to  friend," 
Cassius  replies, 

"  I  wish  we  may.     But  yet  have  I  a  mind 
That  fears  him  much ;  and  my  misgiving  still 
Falls  shrewdly  to  the  purpose"  (Act  III.,  Sc.  1, 11.  144-147). 

And  again,  in  the  scene  between  Brutus  and  Cassius  regarding 
the  former's  resolve  to  permit  Antony  to  speak  at  Caesar's 
funeral,  Cassius  urges: 

Brutus,  a  word  with  you, 

(Aside  to  Bru.)    You  know  not  what  you  do:  do  not  consent 
That  Antony  speak  in  his  funeral : 
Know  you  how  much  the  people  may  be  moved 
By  that  which  he  will  utter?— III.,  Sc.  I,  11.  232-236. 

All  this  is  very  similar  to  Cassius'  argument: 

"Che  tu  sai  ben,  quanto  li  siano  amici 

I  veterani,  e  quanto  acconcio  ei  sia 
Gli  animi  a  concitar  del  volgo  insano." 

As  Brutus  cannot  be  persuaded,  Cassius  adds: 

"I  know  not  what  may  fall;  I  like  it  not.— III.,  I,  1.  244. 

In  Pescetti,  his  reply  to  Brutus'  magnanimous  but  short- 
sighted attitude  is: 

"Bruto,  tu  se'  troppo  pietoso:  voglia 

II  Ciel,  che  questa  tua  piet£  non  sia 
Un  giorno  a  noi  crudel." 

All  that  Plutarch  gives  us  of  Brutus'  counter-arguments  is 
as  follows: 

"First,  for  he  said  it  was  not  honest;  secondly,  because  he  told 
them  that  there  was  hope  of  change  in  him."* 

*  "Marcus  Antonius,"  p.  119.    Skeat. 


49 

Furthermore,  we  read: 

"  But  Brutus  would  in  nowise  consent  to  it,  saying,  that  venturing 
on  such  an  enterprise  as  that,  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  justice, 
it  ought  to  be  clear  from  all  villany."* 

In  Pescetti,  Brutus  says: 

"S'ad  altri,  oltre  al  Tiranno,  darem  morte, 
Si  stimera,  dal  volgo,  che  le  cose 
Sempre  stravolge,  e  falsamente  espone, 
Che  non  disio  di  liberar  la  patria, 
Ma  private  odio,  e  brama  di  vendetta 
A  cid  sospinti  n'abbia,  e  di  quell'opra, 
Onde  da  noi  s'attende  eterna  fama, 
N'acquisterem  vergogna,  e  biasmo  eterno; 
E  dove  nome  di  pieta  cerchiamo 
Sarem  del  titol  d'empieta  notati: 
Ne  percid  a  noi  gran  fatto  avrem  giovato.f 

Note  his  solicitude  for  the  opinions  of  the  people.  Witness 
the  parallelism,  almost  verbal  at  times,  between  the  above 
and  Shakespeare's  treatment. 

11 This  shall  make 

Our  purpose  necessary  and  not  envious; 
Which  so  appearing  to  the  common  eyes, 
We  shall  be  called  purgers,  not  murderers." 

Again  in  Pescetti: 

Bru. — " In  somma  e'  non  si  deve 

Punir,  chi  non  ha  errato,  e  a  me  non  basta 
L'animo  di  dar  morte  a  chi  nocciuto 
Non  m'ha,  ne  fatto  ingiuria. 

*  "Marcus  Antonius,"  p.  164.     Skeat. 

t  Pescetti  throughout  this  scene  follows  Appian  rather  than  Plutarch. 
Appian  says:  "Some  thought  that  Antony  ought  to  be  killed  also  because  he 
was  consul  with  Caesar,  and  was  his  most  powerful  friend,  and  the  one  of  the 
most  repute  with  the  army;  but  Brutus  said  that  they  would  win  the  glory  of 
tyrannicide  from  the  death  of  Caesar  alone,  because  that  would  be  the  killing 
of  a  king.  If  they  should  kill  his  friends  also,  the  deed  would  be  imputed  to 
private  enmity  and  to  the  Pompeian  faction."  (Civil  Wars,  Bk.  u,  Ch.  XVI., 
White's  Trans.) 


50 

Col  troncar  della  testa  all'altre  membra 
Troncasi  ogni  vigor,  ogni  possanza."* 

Compare  this  with  Shakespeare: 

Bru. — "Our  course  will  seem  too  bloody,  Caius  Cassius, 
To  cut  the  head  off  and  then  hack  the  limbs, 
Like  wrath  in  death  and  envy  afterwards; 
For  Antony  is  but  a  limb  of  Caesar: 
Let  us  be  sacrificers,  but  not  butchers,  Caius. 

And  as  for  Mark  Antony,  think  not  of  him, 
For  he  can  do  no  more  than  Caesar's  arm 
When  Caesar's  head  is  off." 

Again  Pescetti's  Brutus  says: 

Bru. — "Che  non  e  Marcantonio  huom  di  cui  deggia 
Altri  temer  gran  fatto,  un'huom  al  ventre 
Dedito,  e  al  sonno,  e  ne'  piacer  venerei 
Nelle  dissolutioni,  e  nell'ebbrezze 
Snervato,  e  rotto  osar£  prender  1'arme 
Contra  color,  che  nulla  ebber  giammai 
Amicizia  con  1'ozio,  e  col  piacere." 

Thus  in  Shakespeare : 

Bru. — "And  that  were  much  he  should,  for  he  is  given 
To  sports,  wildness  and  much  company. "f 

Not  only  are  these  scenes  in  both  dramatists  almost 
exactly  parallel  in  sentiment,  but  the  abruptness  of  the  con- 
clusion and  the  sequence  of  the  following  scenes  are  noteworthy. 
Pescetti  dismisses  the  idea  thus : 

Bru. — "Chiunque  ama  virtu,  figlio  e  di  Giove; 
Ma  ci6  lasciam  da  parte,  e  ogni  nostro 
Pensier  intorno  si  raggiri,  e  volga 
Alia  morte  di  Giulio." — P.  27. 

In  Shakespeare,  Trebonius,  whom  Plutarch  represents  as 
opposing  Antony's  entry  into  the  conspiracy,  lightly  dismisses 
the  subject: 

*  This  parallel  is  noted  by  Ayres  (in  work  cited  before), 
t  Noted  by  Ayres. 


51 

Treb. — "  There  is  no  fear  in  him;  let  him  not  die; 

For  he  will  live  and  laugh  at  this  hereafter." — II.,  i,  11. 190-92. 

It  is  peculiar  that  in  both  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare  the 
sequence  of  the  immediately  following  scenes  is  the  same.  In 
the  former  Brutus  proceeds  to  detail  the  plans  for  Caesar's 
assassination,  and  as  he  finishes,  Portia  enters.  He  concludes: 

"Ma  giamo  ad  informar  del  tutto  gli  altri, 
Acci6  gli  spirti  destine,  e  le  forze, 
Et  apparecchin  1'arme  all'alta  impresa. — P.  28. 

This  is  closely  followed  by  the  entry  of  Portia.  In  Shake- 
speare the  conspirators  discuss  ways  and  means  of  getting 
Caesar  to  the  Capitol. 

Towards  the  conclusion  we  have: 

Cas. — "The  morning  comes  upon's:  we'll  leave  you,  Brutus: 
And,  friends,  disperse  yourselves;  but  all  remember 
What  you  have  said  and  show  yourselves  true  Romans." 

—II.,  I,  221. 

Soon  after  Portia  enters.  It  is  also  noteworthy  that  Brutus 
and  Cassius  in  both  plays  perfect  their  plans  in  the  early 
morning.  There  is  no  warrant  for  this  in  Plutarch  or  Appian. 

Another  striking  parallel  in  situation  and  treatment  is  to  be 
found  in  the  behavior  of  the  conspirators  during  the  con- 
versation of  Lenate  (Popilius  Lena)  with  Caesar  immediately 
preceding  the  murder.  This  is  Plutarch's*  account:  "Another 
Senator,  called  Popilius  Lena,  after  he  had  saluted  Brutus 
more  friendly  than  he  was  wont  to  do,  he  rounded  softly  in 
their  ears,  and  told  them : '  I  pray  the  gods  you  may  go  through 
with  that  you  have  taken  in  hand;  but  withal  dispatch,  I 
reade  you,  for  your  enterprise  is  bewrayed.'  When  he  had 
said,  he  presently  departed  from  them,  and  left  them  both 
afraid  that  their  conspiracy  would  out  .  .  .  When  Caesar 
came  out  of  his  litter,  Popilius  Lena  (that  had  talked  before 
with  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  had  prayed  the  gods  they  might 
bring  their  enterprise  to  pass)  went  unto  Caesar,  and  kept 
him  a  long  time  with  a  talk.  Caesar  gave  good  ear  unto  him: 

*  Substantially  the  same  in  Appian. 


52 

wherefore  the  conspirators  (if  so  they  should  be  called)  not 
hearing  what  he  said  to  Caesar,  but  conjecturing  by  that  he 
had  told  them  a  little  while  before  that  his  talk  was  none  other 
than  the  very  discovery  of  their  conspiracy,  they  were  afraid 
every  man  of  them;  and,  one  looking  in  another's  face,  it 
was  easy  to  see  that  they  were  of  a  mind,  that  it  was  no  tarrying 
for  them  till  they  were  apprehended,  but  rather  that  they 
should  kill  themselves  with  their  own  hands.  And  when  Cas- 
sius  and  certain  other  clapped  their  hands  on  their  swords 
under  their  gowns  to  draw  them,  Brutus,  marking  the  counte- 
nance and  gesture  of  Lena,  and  considering  that  he  did  use 
himself  rather  like  an  humble  and  earnest  suitor  than  like  an 
accuser,  he  said  nothing  to  his  companions  (because  there  were 
many  amongst  them  that  were  not  of  the  conspiracy)  but  with 
a  pleasant  countenance  encouraged  Cassius.  And  immedi- 
ately after  Lena  went  from  Caesar,  and  kissed  his  hand; 
which  showed  plainly  that  it  was  for  some  matter  concerning 
himself  that  he  had  held  him  so  long  in  talk."* 

Note  that  Plutarch,  outside  of  Lena's  remark,  cites  no 
sayings  of  the  conspirators,  but  describes  their  demeanor 
only.  Appian  does  likewise.  Pescetti  follows  his  account 
faithfully,  but  in  spirit  very  similar  to  Shakespeare's  treat- 
ment. In  Pescetti,  Caesar  is  accosted  by  Lena,  who  begs  a 
favor  for  a  friend.  Their  conversation  is  entirely  too  lengthy 
for  dramatic  effectiveness.  Previous  to  this  episode,  Brutus, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  act,  confides  to  Cassius  his 
belief  that  the  conspiracy  will  be  discovered,  if  indeed  it  has 
not  already  been  revealed  to  Caesar.  Among  other  state- 
ments he  says: 

"Senza  sangue  rimasi  dianzi,  quando 
Ci  s'appress6  Lenate,  et  in  disparte 
Trattine,  nell'orecchia  fin  felice 
All'impresa  auguronne,  e  dubitai, 
Che  gia  non  fosse  discoperto  il  tutto." — P.  88. 

In  the  scene  between  Lenate  and  Caesar,  Cassius,  marking  the 
former's  approach  to  the  Dictator,  says, 

*  Marcus  Brutus,  p.  117-118. 


53 

"Bruto,  noi  siam  spediti;  ecco  Lenate 
Che  ragiona  con  Cesare  in  secrete." — P.  107. 

And  then  following: 

Bru. — Questo  ch'importa  a  noi? 

Cas. — Come  ch'importa? 

Non  sai,  se  la  congiura  gli  e  palese? 

Bru. — T'intendo:  ahi  che  valor,  dove  fortuna 
S'opponga,  nulla  val.     Stiam  preparati, 
Per  proveder,  se  fia  bisogno,  al  nostro 
Scampo,  e  alia  liberta  farci  la  strada, 
Se  non  possiam  con  altro,  col  passarci 
Co'pugnali  1'un  1'altro  il  fianco,  o'l  petto." — P.  107. 

Lenate  and  Caesar  continue  their  talk.     Cassius'  fears  are 
increasing.     He  says, 

"Gli  occhi  teniamo  intend,  e  se  fa  cenno 
Che  presi  siam,  pria  che  ci  leghi  alcuno, 
Sciogliam  noi  Talma  de'  corporei  lacci." — P.  107. 

Near  the  end  of  the  conversation  Brutus  says, 

"Respira,  6  Cassio,  che  li  parla  d'altro, 
Per  quel,  che  di  qul  posso  dal  sembiante 
Comprender,  e  da  gesti." — P.  109. 

After  Lenate  leaves  Caesar,  Cassius,  turning  to  the  former, 
exclaims, 

"M'e  ritornata  1'anima  nel  corpo. 
II  tuo  parlar  con  Cesare  n'ha  messo, 
Lenate,  in  gran  spavento." 

To  which  Lenate  replies, 

"  Dubitando 

Delia  mia  fede,  avete  dubitato, 
Ch'un  muto  parli.     Sievi  pure  il  cielo 
Propizio,  com'io  vi  sard  fedele." 

This  entire  scene,  as  others  in  Pescetti,  make  us  regret 
that  his  slavish  subservience  to  his  models  caused  him  to 


54 

smother  his  dramatic  ability  in  an  avalanche  of  verbiage. 
He  shows,  in  spite  of  many  omissions,  a  true  perception  of 
the  dramatic  possibilities  of  his  material.  Had  he  only  been 
able  to  condense  his  work  by  almost  three-quarters,  his 
tragedy  would  rank  high  as  a  representative  of  its  type. 
Shakespeare  uses  the  same  material,  takes  out  his  few 
ounces  of  gold,  and  casts  away  the  tons  of  dross.  Nothing 
that  can  impede  the  swiftly  approaching  climax  is  toler- 
ated, yet  everything  necessary  to  heighten  the  suspense  is 
introduced. 

Pop. — I  wish  your  enterprise  to-day  may  thrive. 

Cas. — What  enterprise,  Popilius? 
Pop. —  Fare  you  well 

(Advances  to  Caesar} 

Bru. — What  said  Popilius  Lena? 
Cas. — He  wished  to-day  our  enterprise  might  thrive. 
I  fear  our  purpose  is  discovered. 

Bru. — Look,  how  he  makes  to  Caesar:  mark  him. 

Cas. —  Casca, 

Be  sudden,  for  we  fear  prevention. 
Brutus,  what  shall  be  done?     If  this  be  known, 
Cassius,  or  Caesar  never  shall  turn  back, 
For  I  will  slay  myself. 

Bru. —  Cassius,  be  constant: 

Popilius  Lena  speaks  not  of  our  purposes; 

For,  look  he  smiles,  and  Caesar  doth  not  change.* 

These  scenes  are  not  only  significant  from  a  critical  stand- 
point; they  are  historically  of  prime  importance.  In  Muretus 
and  GreVin  the  matter  of  Antony's  entry  into  the  conspiracy 
is  confined  to  a  few  lines;  Pescetti  is  the  first  to  give  it  more 
importance  and  the  first  to  employ  material  which  later 
reappears  in  Shakespeare's  work.  The  Popilius  Lena  scene 
is  even  more  important,  for  it  is  in  "Cesare"  that  we  find  the 
first  dramatic  treatment  of  this  significant  episode.  Shake- 

*  J.  C.,  Act.  in.,  Sc.  i,  11. 14-27. 


55 

speare's  treatment  almost  exactly  parallels  the  work  of  his 
humble  predecessor. 

Pescetti  seemed  well  aware  of  the  dramatic  value  of  suspense. 
In  "Julius  Caesar",  Shakespeare's  use  of  this  device  is  much 
commended,  but  in  this  particular  play  he  seems  to  have  been 
anticipated  by  the  Italian.  The  preceding  scene  is  not  the 
only  one  wherein  it  is  employed  by  Pescetti.  Some  time 
before,  D.  Brutus  joins  Cassius  and  M.  Brutus,  deploring 
the  perversity  of  fortune.*  He  fears  that  Caesar  has  scented 
the  conspiracy  and  will  not  attend  that  day's  session  of  the 
Senate.  The  introduction  of  this  matter  at  this  time  strongly 
resembles  Shakespeare's  use  of  the  same  device,  under  the 
same  circumstances.  Cassius  says  to  D.  Brutus: 

Cas. — Bruto  tu  se  turbato. 
D.  B. —  E  n'hd  cagione. 

Cas.— Che  c'e? 
D.  B. —  S'appon  fortuna,  a  desir  nostri. 

Cas. — 

"  Ma  che  cosa  incontrat'e,  ch'interrompe 
I  nostri  alti  disegni? 

D.  B. —  S'£  pentito 

D'ir  in  Senate  Cesar,  e  dimane 

Come  dianzi  vi  dissi,  prende  a  guardia, 

Del  corpo  suo  cinquanta  huomini  eletti. 

Et  6  pur,  che  non  abbia  qualche  cosa 

Delia  congiura,  e  dell'  insidie  udito." — Pp.  92-93. 

In  Shakespeare  we  read: 

Cas.—  "  But  it  is  doubtful  yet 

Whether  Caesar  will  come  forth  to-day  or  no; 

For  he  is  superstitious  grown  of  late, 

Quite  from  the  main  opinion  he  held  once 

Of  fantasy,  of  dreams  and  ceremonies. 

It  may  be  these  apparent  prodigies, 

The  unaccustomed  terror  of  this  night, 

And  the  persuasion  of  his  augurers, 

May  hold  him  from  the  Capitol  to-day."    Act  II.,  1, 1. 194  ff. 

*  P.  91  ff. 


56 

In  both  dramas  the  object  is  the  same;  to  awaken  doubts 
in  the  spectators'  minds  as  to  the  ultimate  success  of  the 
plotters  and  to  awaken  an  interest  in  the  means  whereby  the 
conspirators  succeed  in  overcoming  Caesar's  suspicion. 
The  difference  in  content  in  the  parallels  seems  due  to  the 
fact  that  while  Pescetti  follows  Appian,  Shakespeare  follows 
Plutarch. 


THE  CHARACTER  OF  CAESAR 

Of  all  Shakespeare's  portraits,  there  are  few  which  have  so 
puzzled  his  critics  as  that  of  Julius  Caesar.  Their  ingenuity 
has  been  taxed  to  the  utmost  to  account  for  a  characterization 
so  at  variance  with  historical  fact,  and  many  have  been  the 
theories  advanced  in  explanation.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to 
detail  this  controversy.  The  facts  are  commonplaces  of 
Shakespearian  study.  Neither  is  it  necessary  to  set  forth  all 
the  many  and  various  tributes  wherein  Shakespeare,  in  his 
other  works,  and  in  "Julius  Caesar  "  itself,  gives  ample  evidence 
of  his  appreciation  of  Caesar's  true  greatness.  What  I  do 
purpose  to  show  is  the  marked  similarity  between  the  con- 
ception of  Caesar's  character  in  Shakespeare  and  that  found 
in  Pescetti. 

It  must  be  understood  that  I  employ  the  term  characteriza- 
tion as  applied  to  Pescetti 's  dramatis  personae  for  lack  of  a 
better  term.  In  his  type  of  the  drama  very  little  of  the  char- 
acterization is  brought  out  by  the  clash  of  conflict,  although, 
as  I  have  before  pointed  out,  there  are  passages  in  "Cesare" 
in  which  this  is  to  some  extent  true.  We  gain  our  conception 
of  character  more  through  a  recital  of  the  characteristics  or 
traits  of  his  persons,  rather  than  through  a  revelation  in  action. 

To  Shakespeare,  therefore,  "Cesare"  would  not  have  ap- 
pealed as  a  drama ;  but  as  a  history  or  a  recital  of  the  feelings 
animating  various  persons  during  certain  situations,  it  had 
its  attractions.  I  purpose  to  show  in  just  what  manner 
Shakespeare  in  his  delineation  of  Caesar  may  have  availed 
himself  of  the  material  provided  by  this  long  forgotten  work. 

It  has  been  claimed,  and  in  my  opinion,  erroneously,  that 
Shakespeare's  peculiar  characterization  of  his  titular  hero  was 
due  to  his  lack  of  classical  knowledge.  Surely  such  a  charge 
can  not  hold  against  the  Veronese  rhetorician,  whose  livelihood 
depended  on  his  classical  training,  and  who  did  not  hesitate 
to  dispute  with  Tasso.  Yet  his  characterization  brings  into 

57 


58 

relief  many  of  those  features  which  have  in  Shakespeare's 
portrait  so  aroused  the  surprise  and  chagrin  of  critics. 

Professor  Harry  Morgan  Ayres*  traces  these  peculiarities 
in  Shakespeare's  delineation  of  his  titular  character  to  the 
influence  of  a  Renaissance  idea  of  Caesar  which  had  its  ulti- 
mate source  in  the  Hercules  Oetoeus  of  Seneca,  found  its  way 
into  the  Renaissance  drama  through  Muretus,  and  had  become 
traditional  in  Shakespeare's  time.  No  claim  is  advanced  of 
any  direct  relation  of  "Julius  Caesar"  to  preceding  versions, 
but  the  similarity  in  certain  particulars  existing  between  the 
various  characterizations  of  Caesar  is  emphasized.  That 
GreVin's  portrait  should  be  markedly  similar  to  that  of 
Muretus  is  but  natural  in  view  of  the  former's  open  plagiarism. 
Pescetti  also  owes  much  to  the  noted  humanist.  The  latter 
made  Caesar  a  grandiloquent  braggart.  Pescetti,  following 
his  example,  makes  Caesar's  boastfulness  a  prominent  trait  of 
his  character.  Yet  neither  Muretus  nor  GreVin  emphasizes 
Caesar's  vacillation,  nor  this  indecision,  which,  seemingly 
through  the  Italian's  drama,  found  its  way  later  into  Shake- 
speare's portrait. 

While  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  traditional  conception  of 
Caesar  supposedly  prevalent  in  Shakespeare's  time  influenced 
his  peculiar  delination  of  the  Dictator,  there  is  apparently  no 
good  reason  for  excluding  the  possibility  that  the  dramatist's 
notion  of  his  titular  hero's  traditional  character  was  confirmed 
by  an  examination  of  Pescetti's  work,  if  indeed  he  did  not 
derive  from  the  latter  all  the  hints  supposedly  due  to  the 
tradition  fixed  by  Muretus. 

Like  Shakespeare,  Pescetti  is  not  lacking  in  appreciation 
of  Caesar's  greatness;  of  his  courage,  patriotism,  magnanimity. 
Thus  Cassius  says  to  Brutus, 

"Tu  sai,  ch'egli  &  feroce,  e  ne'  perigli 
Non  si  sgomenta  punto,  anzi  diviene 
Allor  pill  ardito,  e  coraggioso,  quando 
Maggior  vede  il  periglio."f 

*  In  the  monograph  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made. 
t  Page  24.    See  later  chapter  on  Brutus. 


59 

In  his  dedication,  the  highest  compliment  he  can  pay  to 
Alfonso  d'Este  is  to  number  the  mighty  Julius  among  his 
ancestors.  In  the  prologue  his  approaching  death  troubles 
the  gods,  and  Jove  promises  for  him  immortality  among  the 
celestials  as  the  only  fitting  reward  for  his  merit,  while  ruin 
and  destruction  await  his  assassins.  In  the  play  the  First 
Messenger  refers  to  him  as  "huom  divino."*  The  Chorus 
sings  his  praises: 

"Cosl  dunque 

Quei,  che  pur  dianzi  un  folgor  fu  di  guerra, 
Un'  Achille,  un  Alcide  di  possanza, 
Un'  Ulisse  di  senno,  e  d'accortezza, 
Un  Giro,  un  Alessandro  d'ardimento, 
Di  magnaminita,  di  cortesia, 
Estinto  giace  miserabilmente."— P.  127. 

Criticism  cannot  be  too  guarded  in  considering  as  evidence 
of  personal  bias  the  words  of  an  author's  character,  but  cu- 
mulative evidence  is  certainly  not  without  its  influence.  The 
chorus  later  in  the  play  refers  to  Caesar  again,  and  as 

"Del  pill  saggio,  e  piu  forte 
Huom  ch'arme  unqua  vestisse."* — P.  131. 

The  Chorus  of  Soldiers  towards  the  close  of  the  play  sings  his 
praise.  Decimus  Brutus,  trying  to  persuade  Caesar,  runs  the 
whole  gamut  of  the  latter's  deeds. 

Nor  does  Pescetti,  any  more  than  Shakespeare,  begrudge 
him  credit  for  his  courtesy  and  magnanimity.  Regarding 
this  trait,  Professor  MacCallum  calls  particular  attention 
to  the  passage  in  "Julius  Caesar" wherein  Artemidorus  urges 
the  consideration  of  his  petition : 

Art. — Hail,  Caesar!  read  this  schedule. 

Dec. — Trebonius  doth  desire  you  to  o'er-read, 

At  your  best  leisure,  this  his  humble  suit. 

*  Compare  Antony's  outburst: 

Thou  art  the  ruins  of  the  noblest  man 

That  ever  lived  in  the  tide  of  times.     J.  C.  III.,  I,  257-58. 


6o 

Art. — 0  Caesar,  read  mine  first;  for  mine's  a  suit 

That  touches  Caesar  nearer:  read  it,  great  Caesar. 
Caes. — What  touches  us  ourself  shall  be  last  served. — III.,  I,  3-8. 

This  is  nowhere  suggested  in  Plutarch.  It  is,  indeed,  quite 
easy  to  regard  this  magnanimous  action  as  the  caprice  of  a 
man  so  intoxicated  by  success  that  he  has  lost  all  sense  of 
social  perspective;  a  real  Colossus,  for  whom  the  ordinary 
motives  of  men  seem  too  insignificant  for  his  semi-divine 
being.  Pescetti's  Caesar  leaves  no  room  for  the  exercise  of 
surmise.  In  the  scene  between  Lenate  and  the  Dictator, 
Caesar  is  courteous  and  magnanimous  beyond  criticism. 
Lenate  felicitates  Caesar,  who  replies : 

"  E  t&,  Lenate,  a  pien  contento  renda. 
Che  chiedi?  in  che  pu6  Cesare,  Lenate 
Servir?  in  c'ha  dell'  opra  sua  bisogno? — P.  106. 

Lenate  praises  Caesar's  courtesy,  and  Caesar  tells  him  to  name 
his  suit,  for  he  will  deny  him  nothing.  Lenate  begs  a  military 
appointment  for  Quinto  Fulvio.  Caesar  says: 

"A  lor  di  soddisfarti  io  ti  prometto, 
Et  in  soddisfacendoti  maggiore 
Ricever6,  che  non  far6  servigio, 
Ch'a  somma  grazia,  e  a  singular  favore 
D'esser  da  ta  servito  mi  rech'io: 
E  se,  qual  tu  me  lo  dipingi,  fia, 
Come  fia  veramente,  che  Lenate 
S6,  che  non  mente,  i  premi  all1  opre  uguali 
Andranno,  e  sara  Cesare  con  lui 
Quel,  che  stat'  e  con  gli  altri." 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  scene  he  remarks, 

"Huom,  che  d'umanita  si  spogli,  indegno 
Stim*  io  del  nome  d'huomo,  e  fu  piu  degno 
Di  ruggir  fra  Leon,  fremer  fra  gli  Orsi, 
Urlar  fra  i  Lupi,  e  sibilar  fra  i  Serpi 
Nelle  selve,  negli  antri,  e  nelle  grotte, 
Che  formar  nelle  terre  umani  accenti." — Ces.,  pp.  106-110. 

This,  while  rather  declamatory,  rings  true. 


6i 

Still,  in  spite  of  this  consideration  of  Caesar's  nobler  traits, 
Pescetti  so  emphasizes  his  weaknesses  that  the  total  impression 
we  receive  from  his  characterization  is  not  at  all  in  keeping 
with  that  which  we  derive  from  the  Caesar  of  history.  True, 
Pescetti  does  not  mention  the  Dictator's  physical  failings; 
but  the  same  pride,  the  same  thrasonical  boastfulness,  the 
same  vacillation  are  to  be  found  in  both  characterizations 
treated  in  a  manner  singularly  similar. 

Caesar,  on  his  first  appearance,  while  he  displays  traits 
which  apparently  are  hard  to  reconcile  with  his  future  state- 
ments, strikes  one  note  which  predominates  throughout; 
that  of  boastfulness.  His  very  first  words  are: 

"  Magnifica,  superba,  e  veramente 
Qual  darsi  ad  un  Pontefice  conviene, 
La  cena  fu,  che  Lepido  iersera 
Ne  die.  .  .  ."—P.  62. 

His  sense  of  his  own  importance,  and  of  the  honors  due  to 
his  position,  is  evident.  He  comments  philosophically  upon 
the  delights  of  conversation  around  the  banqueting  board. 
This  gives  Antony  an  opportunity  to  dilate  upon  the  muta- 
bility of  human  fortune.  Caesar  replies, 

"Quest*  instabilita,  quest'  inconstanza 
Delle  cose  mondane,  a  me  ricorda, 
Che  lo  stato  presente,  in  che  m'  ha  posto, 
O  fortuna,  6  valor,  non  mi  prometta 
Perpetuo,  ma  ch'  io  creda,  e  stia  sicuro, 
Che  si  debba  mutar,  quando,  che  sia." — P.  66. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Caesar  is  talking  to  an 
intimate  friend  and  companion  in  arms.  Antony  takes  the 
occasion  to  warn  him : 

"  Delia  fortuna  io  t'assicuro,  ch'ella 
Non  ti  sie  mai  contraria  si  nel  crine 
Avvolte  1'  hai  le  mani.     Dall'  insidie 
Ben  t'esort'  io  guardati  de'  nemici. 
Molti  offesi  da  te  si  tengon ;  molti 
Portano  invidia  alia  tua  gloria ;  alcuni 
Abbaglia  il  tuo  splendore:  altri  patire 
Che  tu  lor  sii  superior,  non  ponno.' — Pp.  66-67 


62 

Caesar  replies: 

"Diman  cinquanta  de'  piu  fidi,  e  forti* 
Seer  della  legion  decima  i  voglio, 
Che  mi  stien  di  continue  al  fianco,  e  scudo 
Mi  sien  contra  ogni  inganno,  e  forza  esterna. 
Ch'io  non  son  mica  si  di  senno  privo, 
Ne  m'ha  si  la  dolcezza  inebriato 
Delle  prosperita,  ch'io  non  conosca, 
Quant'  abbia  di  temer  giusta  cagione: 
E  gia  d'insidie  non  s6,  che  m'e  stato 
Susurrato  all'  orecchie:  ma  i  disegni 
Schernird  di  chi  tenta  oltraggio  farmi. 
Ma  cid  poc'  or  mi  preme,  e  mi  da  noia: 
Piu  mi  da  noia,  e  preme  il  ricordarmi 
Ch'  invendicata  ancor  resti  la  morte 
Di  Crasso.  .  .  ." — Page  67. 

He  longs  to  see  the  Roman  eagle  triumphant,  and  Rome 
mistress  of  the  world. 

This  speech  of  Caesar's  is  noteworthy.  The  dictator 
affirms  that  the  intoxication  of  success  has  not  blinded  his 
common  sense.  He  has  reason  to  fear  treachery,  yet  just 
what  is  contemplated  against  him  he  does  not  know.  He 
despises  those  who  would  harm  him.  That  humbled  Rome 
has  not  yet  wreaked  vengeance  on  the  Parthians  concerns 
him  far  more.  Here  again  this  concern  of  Caesar  for  the 
welfare  of  others  finds  its  echo  in  Shakespeare's  lines, 

"What  touches  us  ourself  shall  be  last  served." 

There  is  no  historical  warrant  for  this  attitude  in  this  par- 
ticular connection. 

Courageous  words !  But  be  it  noted  that  Pescetti's  Caesar 
in  the  presence  of  Antony  does  not  wish  to  convey  the  im- 
pression of  fear.  He  hastens  to  voice  his  scorn  of  treachery, 
even  as  he  recounts  his  suspicions.  This  man,  who  prides 

*This  is  a  detail  which  Pescetti  derived  from  Appian's  "Civil  Wars," 
Bk.  II.,  Ch.  XVI.,  wherein  it  is  stated  that  the  conspirators  had  to  hasten,  as 
Caesar  contemplated  departing  for  Parthia  within  four  days  and  would  there- 
upon have  a  bodyguard.  (White's  translation,  p.  176.) 


63 

himself  on  his  self  command,  is  destined  to  fall  an  easy  victim 
to  his  own  vanity.  His  own  self  praise  opens  the  way  for 
Antony's  flattery: 

"Alia  fortuna,  al  valor  tuo  riserba 
Quest'  alta  impresa  il  cielo,  accioche  nulla 
A  tuoi  gran  vanti,  alle  tue  glorie  manchi : 


O  quali  omai  trovar  si  ponno  al  tuo 

Merto  conformi  titoli,  e  cognomi? 

Son  vili  i  Magni  al  vincitor  de'  Magni. 

Al  ciel  salir  convien,  por  man  bisogna 

A  titoli,  e  a  nomi  de  gli  Dei. 

Divine  1'opre  son,  divini  i  fatti 

Divino  e  il  tuo  valor,  divini  ancora 

Esser  vogliono  i  titoli,  e  i  cognomi 

Di  che  la  grata  eta  t'addorni,  e  fregi. — Pp.  68-69. 

Ces. — Con  quai  nomi  m'appelli  il  mondo,  o  quali 
Titoli  egli  mi  dia,  poco  mi  cale. 
A  me  basta,  ch'  ei  sappia,  e  legga,  e  narri 
Le  da  me  oprate  cose  in  pace,  e  in  guerra; 
Onde  ne  resti  la  memoria  viva 
Al  par  del  Sol,  con  cui  gareggi,  e  giostri 
Di  chiarezza,  e  splendor  la  gloria  mia." — P.  69. 

The  dialogue  has  become  a  duet  of  praise,  in  which  Antony 
seeks  to  outsing  his  master.  Finally  Caesar  says, 

"Delle  sovrane  lodi,  onde  m'addorni, 
Molto  mi  pregio,  6  Antonio,  e  con  ragione, 
Poscia,  che  vengon  da  colui,  che,  come 
Scorge,  cosl  di  dir  h£  per  costume 
II  vero,  e  in  bocca  h&  quel,  ch'egli  ha  nel  cuore, 
Ch'e  cosl  saggio,  e  candido,  che  come 
Esser  nel  giudicar  non  pu6  ingannato, 
Cosl  nel  dir  altri  ingannar  non  vuole." — P.  70. 

He  accepts  Antony's  praise  because  he  feels  that  it  is  true, 
coming  from  the  heart  of  a  sincere  and  plainspeaking  friend. 
He  reposes  the  same  faith  in  Antony's  judgment  as  is  the  case 
in  Shakespeare.  Thus,  when  he  speaks  of  Cassius,  Antony 
tells  him, 


64 

"Fear  him  not,  Caesar;  he's  not  dangerous; 
He  is  a  noble  Roman,  and  well  given." 

A  few  lines  later,  Caesar  says, 

"  Come  on  my  right  hand,  for  this  ear  is  deaf, 
And  tell  me  truly  what  thou  think'st  of  him." 

In  "Cesare"  to  Calpurnia's  entreaties  he  retorts 

"Donna,  tu  spargi  le  parole  al  vento; 
Resta  di  piu  pregar,  se  saggia  sei ; 
A  i  lamenti,  alle  lagrime  pon  fine, 
Che  vedrai  sorger  pria  dall'  Occidente, 
Et  attuffarsi  il  Sol  la,  dond'  ei  nasce, 
Ch*  io  presti  fede  a  i  sogni,  che  possanza 
Habbian  di  frastornarmi  dall'  imprese 
Gia  destinate  i  sogni,  od  i  prodigi 


Esca  di  questo  petto  anzi  lo  spirto, 

Che'  1  timor  c'  entri,  e  massime  de'  sogni, 

Ch'  altro  non  son,  che  vane  ombre,  e  fantasmi. 

Quel,  che  di  me  prefisso  e  il  ciel,  conviene, 

Che  sia:  ne  per  por  mente  a  sogni,  6  a  segni 

Potr6  schivarlo,  e  folle  a  me  colui 

Sembra,  che  teme  quel,  che  per  consiglio, 

N£  per  saver  uman  non  pu6  schivarsi."* — Pp.  76-77. 

Let  it  be  noted  that  Caesar  is  addressing  Calpurnia  in  the 
presence  of  the  Priest,  and  it  would  ill  become  the  conqueror 
of  the  world  to  show  fear  or  vacillation  before  them.  He  is 
discussing  his  wife's  dream,  yet  in  spite  of  his  expressed  dis- 
belief in  omens,  it  was  he  who  ordered  the  fateful  sacrifice, 
which,  as  the  First  Messenger  announces  after  the  catastrophe, 
he  himself  inspected.  Evidently  he  was  in  doubt  even  then, 
but  his  vanity  and  the  urging  of  the  conspirators  lured  him  to 
his  doom.  Compare  his  boasts  of  fearlessness  with  Shake- 
speare : 

"Would  he  were  fatter!  but  I  fear  him  not: 
Yet  if  my  name  were  liable  to  fear, 

*  Pp.  76-77-     This  speech,  in  substance,  occurs  both  in  Muretus  and  in 
Grevin. 


65 

I  do  not  know  the  man  I  should  avoid 
So  soon  as  that  spare  Cassius  .... 

I  rather  tell  thee  what  it  is  to  be  fear'd 
Than  what  I  fear:  for  always,  I  am  Caesar."* 

Yet  immediately  thereafter  he  wishes  Antony  to  give  him  his 
true  opinion  of  Cassius.     What  for? 

Still,  in  spite  of  his  outwardly  expressed  contempt  of  the 
omens,  Pescetti's  Caesar  yields,  just  as  does  Shakespeare's, 
when  the  crafty  Decimus  plays  on  his  vanity.  In  the  presence 
of  the  conspirators  he  soliloquizes : 

"Chi  da  consigli  governar  si  lascia 
Delle  donne,  piu  d'esse  e  vano,  e  stolto; 
Tuttavia  forza  e,  ch'oggi  condescenda 
Al  voler  della  mia,  s'aver  vud  pace, 
E  tormi  questa  noia  dalle  spalle. 
Ma  tanto,  e  cosl  insolito  timore, 
Ond'  e  si  fieramente  tormentata, 
Non  e  senza  cagion:  e  benche  tema 
In  me  non  abbia  luogo,  pur  sospetto, 
Che  qualche  tradimento  alia  mia  vita 
S'ordisca,  et  ho  di  sospettar  cagione. 
Ma  sia  che  pu6:  s'e  destinato  in  cielo, 
Ch'io  muoia,  e  muoia:  a  voglia  sua  mi  tolga 
La  morte,  che  non  pu6,  se  non  illustre, 
E  glorioso  tormi :  Andr£  sotterra, 
Qualunque  volta  dal  mortal  sia  scarca, 
L'ombra  mia  di  trionfi,  e  spoglie  addorna: 
E  tal  di  me  qui  rimarr£  memoria, 
Che  finche  giri  il  ciel  fia  con  stupore 
Cesare  mentovato;  e  quel,  che  bee 

II  Tanai,  1'Ibero,  il  Tigre,  il  Gange, 
Attonito  udira  narrar  il  Reno, 

II  Nilo,  e  1'Ocean  domati,  e  vinti 
E  1' Africa,  e  la  Spagna  del  Romano 
Sangue  da  me  inondate,  e'l  gran  Pompeio, 
C'h&  del  suo  nome  pien  tutti  i  confini 
Dell'  ampia  terra,  vinto,  e  d'ogni  sua 

*  I.,  ii.  199. 


66 

Gloria,  d'ogni  suo  onor  spogliato,  e  privo: 
Morra  il  terren,  che  fra  pochi  anni  ad  ogni 
Modo  ha  da  sciorsi  in  polve :  ma  immortale 
Rimarra  del  mio  nome  la  memoria. 
Abbastanza  ho  vissuto  alia  natura, 
Et  alia  gloria,  Omai  ch'a  far  mi  resti, 
Per  piu  glorificar  il  nome  mio 
Non  veggio.    Asceso  sono  a  quella  altezza, 
Cui  non  e  pari  in  terra:  oltre  alia  quale 
Non  pud  salir,  che  del  terreno  incarco 
Non  si  spoglia,  et  isgrava,  e  mette  Tale."* 

These  are  certainly  "high  astounding  terms,"  but  doubt 
and  fear  are  at  work,  and  this  Caesar's  long  cogitations  are 
very  much  like  the  whistling  of  a  small  boy  to  keep  up  his 
courage.  When  Decimus  approaches,  and  informs  him  that 
the  Senate  is  assembled,  and  awaits  him,  he  says, 

11  Debbol  dir,  6  tacer?  i  preghi  e  i  pianti 
Di  mia  mogliera  avuto  hanno  possanza 
Di  farmi  variar  proponimento; 
Oltre  ch'io  temo,  e'l  mio  timor  fondato 
E,  non  sopra  fallaci,  e  vani  sogni, 
Ma  sopra  certi  indizi,  e  chiari  segni, 
Che  sien  ordite  alia  mia  vita  insidie." — Page  95. 

Here  is  a  man  who  has  just  proudly  exclaimed  that  fear  was 
foreign  to  him,  now  confessing  that  he  fears,  and  that  his 
fears  are  founded  not  on  vain  dreams  or  portents,  but  upon 
substantial  grounds.  But  what  are  the  "certi  indizi,  e  chiari 
segni"  that  threaten  his  well-being?  The  vague  warnings  of 
Antony?  No  more  substantial  grounds  have  been  presented 
in  the  course  of  the  drama.  No  conspirators  have  been  named ; 
Caesar,  despite  the  talk  regarding  his  conviction  of  impending 
disaster,  is  unsuspectingly  conversing  with  one  of  the  plotters. 
Are  we  to  regard  this  lack  of  adequate  reason  for  Caesar's 
fears  as  a  flaw  in  Pescetti's  technique?  It  must  be  remembered 
that  Caesar  ordered  the  fateful  sacrifice,  and  that  he  himself 

*  Pp-  93.  94.  95-  There  are  some  similarities  to  "Cornelie"  and  to  Gr€vin 
in  this  passage. 


67 

confesses,  in  soliloquy,  that  Calpurnia's  unusual  fear  has  dis- 
turbed him.  But  he  dreads  to  ascribe  his  perturbation  to 
the  influence  of  the  portents,  and  lays  the  emphasis  upon  a 
suspicion  of  treachery,  which,  as  far  as  he  had  any  personal 
knowledge,  we  know  rested  on  the  vaguest  grounds.  There 
is  no  fault  in  Pescetti's  motivation.  He  presents  a  Caesar, 
shaken  by  the  very  fears  that  assail  baser  men,  but  too  proud 
to  convey  such  an  impression,  fatuously  trying  to  persuade 
himself  that  he  is  "constant  as  the  northern  star,"  while  he 
wavers  like  a  weather-cock  between  his  fear  and  his  pride. 
He  listens  to  Decimus'  arguments.  The  latter,  knowing  how 
to  "give  his  humor  the  true  bent,"  lays  great  stress  on  Rome's 
indebtedness  to  the  Dictator:  what  Roman  could  be  so  base 
as  to  contemplate  his  death? 

D.  Brutus — " e  nondimeno 

Crederem,  che  si  trovi  alcun  di  cuore 
Cosl  barbaro,  e  rio,  cosi  spietato 
Che  pensi,  non  dir6,  ch'ardisca,  6  tenti 
Di  privarti  di  vita?  io  non  lo  credo, 

10  non  lo  credo,  n£  che  sia,  ch'il  creda, 
Credo,  ne  credo,  che  tu  stesso  il  creda. 
E  come  io  ti  consiglio,  ch'a  guardarti 
La  diligenza  accresca;  cosl  voglio, 
Ch'ogni  timor  deponga,  ogni  sospetto, 
Accioche,  nulla  nebbia  offuschi,  6  turbi 

11  seren  del  tuo  petto,  e  acquetate, 
Dopo  tanti  travagli,  e  tante  guerre 
Le  cose,  insieme  con  la  patria  goda 
Quella  felicita,  quella  quiete, 

Ch'ognun  del  saggio  tuo  governo  attende." — Pp.  96-97. 

Thus  Decimus  artfully  contrives  to  work  on  Caesar's 
vanity  and  to  express  his  disbelief  in  the  genuineness  of 
Caesar's  fears.  The  latter  is  sorely  touched;  he  recognizes 
his  mistake  in  using  the  word  fear  in  his  first  statement,  and 
hastens  to  assure  Decimus : 

"Non  tern'  io,  n6;  non  ha  luogo  il  timore 
In  questo  petto:  unque  il  mio  cuor  non  seppe, 
Che  timor  fosse:  e  gia  son  giunto  a  tale 


68 

Etade,  e  tale  cose  oprate  h6  in  arme, 

Che  della  morte  aver  non  debba  tema.* 

Potr£  ben  morte,  ch'  ogni  cosa  scioglie, 

Questo  corpo  atterrar;  ma  la  memoria 

Del  nome  mio  non  spegnera  in  eterno." — P.  97. 

Still  his  fears  are  potent,  but  he  no  longer  says  "temo,"  a 
word  so  unbefitting  Caesar ;  it  now  becomes 

"Tuttavia  credo,  e  sopra  certi  segni 
E  conietture  e  il  mio  creder  fondato, 
Che  si  tendano  insidie  alia  mia  vita." — P.  97. 

But  he  would  not  appear  afraid;  apprehensive  lest  fear  may 
be  suspected  from  this  statement,  he  continues: 

"Dalle  quai  guarderommi  in  guisa,  ch'io 
Non  paventi  per6,  ne  del  mio  petto 
In  parte  alcuna  la  quiete  turbi; 
Ma  tu  va  trova  Marcantonio,  e  dilli 
Da  parte  mia,  che  vada  a  dar  licenza 
Al  Senato,  e  li  dica,  che  per  oggi 
In  Senato  non  posso  ritrovarmi." — P.  97. 

And  note  the  solicitude  of  this  Colossus,  for  the  opinion  of 
Caesar's  Senate : 

"  E  mi  scusi  con  lui  si,  che  non  nasca 
Sospetto  in  lui  d'esser  da  me  sprezzato." — P.  97. 

This  Caesar,  in  spite  of  his  words,  fears.  He  fears  the 
omens,  but  he  will  not  betray  his  feelings.  It  might  be  claimed 
that  his  message  to  the  Senate  is  a  natural  result  of  an  innate 
courtesy  typical  of  true  greatness.  But  coming  where  it  does 
and  as  it  does,  it  seems  more  an  exhibition  of  that  pride  which 
a  man  consciously  great  takes  in  the  good  opinions  of  his 
underlings.  Surely  Caesar  had  nothing  to  fear  from  his 
puppet  Senators.  He  could  just  as  curtly  have  disregarded 
them;  but  demigods  must  display  some  good  attributes,  some 
care  for  their  worshippers,  if  only  to  feed  the  sense  of  their 
superiority  on  the  admiration  of  inferior  beings. 

*  "Have  I  in  conquest  stretch'd  mine  arm  so  far, 
To  be  afeard  to  tell  graybeards  the  truth?  " 


69 

Decimus  is  quick  to  seize  his  opportunity  and  plays  on  this 
trait  of  Caesar's  character.  Surely  the  Senate  will  think 
that  he  has  grown  arrogant;  that  fortune  has  transformed  a 
kind  and  courteous  Caesar.  The  preservation  of  his  reputa- 
tion for  generosity  demands  his  personal  appearance  before 
the  Senators.  Caesar  yields,  while  Marcus  Brutus  glorifies 
the  gods  for  this  turn  of  affairs.  The  Dictator  tells  the  still 
anxious  Calpurnia  to  banish  her  fears,  for  the  gods  which  so 
long  have  defended  him,  will  not  fail  him  now,  while  Decimus 
lauds  him  and  assures  Calpurnia  that  it  were  unthinkable  that 
harm  could  befall  Caesar  in  his  own  city. 

This  scene,  between  Caesar,  Calpurnia,  and  Decimus 
Brutus,  seems  to  have  no  legitimate  place  in  the  plot  unless 
Pescetti  aims  to  heighten  the  pathos  by  bringing  into  stronger 
relief  the  vanity  of  the  Dictator  and  the  base  treachery  of  his 
assassins.  Caesar  becomes  to  the  modern  reader  a  pitiable, 
almost  a  pitiful  character.  Any  lurking  admiration  for  the 
Conspirators'  cause  is  effectually  destroyed,  and  a  feeling  of 
horror  supervenes.  Perhaps  Pescetti  so  intended.  It  is 
revolting  to  listen  to  Decimus,  Caesar's  beloved  friend  and 
companion  in  arms,  recounting  with  smiling  countenance 
his  benefactor's  courtesy,  his  magnanimity,  his  many  great 
services  to  Rome,  while  he  burns  to  plunge  a  dagger  into  his 
auditor's  heart.  And  to  think  that  Caesar,  blinded  by  his 
vanity,  allows  a  smiling  villain  to  lead  him  like  an  ox  to  the 
sacrifice!  This  is  pitiful,  not  pathetic. 

Later  on,  Decimus'  praises  soar  to  such  heights  that  Caesar 
tells  him 

" Assai  corso  1'arringo 

Hai  di  mie  lodi,  Bruto,  di  che  debbo 

Molto  pregiarmi,  e  rallegrarmi,  essendo 

II  lodator  d'eterna  lode  degno. 

Ch'alor  la  lode  e  finalmente  vera, 

Quando  da  huom  lodato  ella  proviene." — Page  106. 

Yet  Caesar  accepts  this  fulsome  flattery  because  in  his  judg- 
ment, it  comes  from  a  man  well  qualified  to  deliver  it.  Then, 
surrounded  by  his  murderers,  he  walks  unsuspectingly  to  his 
doom. 


70 

There  is  no  historical  justification  for  such  a  delineation  of 
the  greatest  man  of  antiquity.  Plutarch's  account  may  not  be 
sympathetic,  but  the  modest  author  of  the  Commentaries  is 
nowhere  depicted  as  a  vain,  pompous,  vacillating  boaster.  It 
is  indeed  difficult  to  account  for  such  a  characterization. 
Muretus  may  have  fixed  in  his  drama  a  conception  of  Caesar 
supposedly  current  in  his  day.  But  it  must  be  remembered 
that  this  tragedy  of  Muretus  was  a  youthful  product,  and  one 
cannot  expect  of  the  student  of  eighteen,  the  mature  judgment 
of  the  scholar  of  forty.  Grevin  followed  Muretus,  and  since 
his  drama  is  frankly  an  enlarged  version  of  his  predecessor's 
work,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  young  physician  took  over 
the  humanist's  characterization  of  Caesar  with  scarcely  any 
alterations.  But  Pescetti's  livelihood  depended  upon  his 
knowledge  of  the  classics,*  and  his  work  bears  unmistakable 
evidence  of  wide  reading  in  both  Latin  and  Greek  authors. 
Unlike  Muretus,  he  was  over  thirty  when  he  wrote  "Cesare"; 
surely  his  acquaintance  with  the  sources  must  have  made  him 
well  aware  of  the  falsity  of  the  traditional  estimate  of  Caesar's 
character,  if  indeed  in  his  time  such  an  estimate  was  popularly 
current.  There  can  be  no  question  of  the  influence  of  Muretus 
in  his  own  work,  yet  just  why  he  should  choose  not  only'to  follow 
the  former,  but  further  to  emphasize  the  weaknesses  of  Caesar 
must  remain  purely  speculative.  Pescetti's  position  in  the 
matter  is  all  the  more  curious  because  he  dedicated  his  work  to 
Alfonso  D'Este,  a  supposed  descendant  of  his  titular  hero. 
Under  such  circumstances  it  certainly  would  have  been  much 
to  his  advantage  to  have  cast  his  Caesar  in  the  most  heroic 
mold,  instead  of  presenting  him  in  such  a  manner  as  to  provoke 
resentment  in  the  very  quarters  where  he  expected  praise.f 

*  He  taught  grammar  and  rhetoric  in  Verona.  See  Gerini,  "  Gli  scrittori 
pedagogici  nel  secolo  decimo  settimo." 

t  Paolo  Beni  was  quick  to  seize  upon  this  feature  of  Pescetti's  character- 
ization of  Caesar.  He  says:  "Che  se  pur  volesse  alcuno  che  non  percid  restasse 
suo  Cesare  di  esser  f urto,  almen  convien  confessare  ch'egli  solo  fosse  vero  Autore 
dell'mgiuria  la  quale  con  tanta  sciocchezza  e  temerita  fece  in  tal  Tragedia  a 
quell'Altezza  et  a  tutta  la  serenissima  Casa  d'Este,  poscia  che  havendo  pub- 
blicato  e  celebrato  Alfonso  per  congiuntissimo  di  sangue  con  la  Casa  Giulia, 
e  con  Giulio  Cesare,  finalmente  si  adduce  a  dedicarli  la  sua  Tragedia;  (che  sua 


Is  it  possible  that  Pescetti  possessed  sufficient  dramatic 
technique  to  endeavor  to  present  Caesar  not  as  he  really  was, 
but  as  he  appeared  to  the  conspirators,  and  thus  to  give  their 
action  some  excuse? 

That  Shakespeare  so  presented  him  has  been  contended  by 
some  critics,  but  the  motives  that  actuated  the  dramatists 
are  not  the  point  at  issue.  The  total  impression  we  gain  in 
both  dramas  is  singularly  alike,  while  in  some  details  the  coin- 
cidence is  striking ;  as  where  Caesar  says, 

"Cowards  die  many  times  before  their  death; 
The  valiant  never  taste  of  death  but  once. 
Of  all  the  wonders  that  I  yet  have  heard, 
It  seems  to  me  most  strange  that  men  should  fear: 
Seeing  that  death,  a  necessary  end, 
Will  come,  when  it  will  come"  (II.,  n,  32).* 

chiamerolla  per  hora)  quella  Tragedia  dico  nella  qual  Cesare  vien  com'empio 
tiranno  e  traditor  della  patria  bruttamente  trucidato.  Vedi  imprudenza  es- 
trema  di  quest'huomo:  vedi  sciocchezza  et  audacia  incomparabile:  ricordare 
che  questo  serenissimo  Principe  sia  per  sangue  strettamente  congiunto  con 
Giulio  Cesare,  e  disceso  da  Giulio  Cesare,  e  poi  immantinente  far  che  il  Theatro 
per  ogni  parte  risuoni  1'impieta,  la  perfidia,  la  tirannia  di  Cesare:  e  che  su  gli 
occhi  di  quell'Altezza  ne  venga  quasi  pernitioso  mostro  co'l  ferro  trucidato  et 
estinto.  E  forse  che  non  supplica  il  Serenissimo  Alfonso  (vedi  nuova  impru- 
denza et  ardire)  che  faccia  rappresentar  questa  Tragedia  in  publico  con 
nobil  pompa,  e  dia  spettacolo  si  horrendo  d'un  suo  antenato  al  Mondo."  II 
Cavalcanti,  1614,  p.  107  et  seq. 

*  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  fascination  which  this  remark  of  Caesar's  had 
for  the  dramatists  of  his  fortunes.  No  doubt  they  drew  their  direct  inspiration 
from  Plutarch,  who  relates  that  Caesar,  on  being  urged  to  have  a  body-guard, 
retorted,  "It  is  better  to  die  once,  than  always  to  be  afraid  of  death."  (J.  C.. 
p.  92.)  Skeat. 
Thus  Muretus  says  (Act  III.,  verse  386): 

"Sed  tamen  quando  semel 

Vel  cadere  praestat,  quam  metu  longo  premi." 
And  Grevin,  Act  III.,  v.  791: 

" et  si  j'aime  bien  mieux 

Mourir  tout  en  un  coup,  qu'estre  tous jours  paoureux." 
Also  Act  I.,  v.  13: 

"  II  vault  bien  mieux  mourir 

Asseure  de  tout  poinct,  qu'incessamment  perir. 

Faulsement  par  la  peur." 


72 

There  is  nothing  novel  in  these  views ;  one  is  directly  traceable 
to  Plutarch ;  the  others  are  often  repeated  in  the  classic  drama, 
but  it  is  at  least  curious  that  the  same  thought  occurs  fre- 
quently in  Pescetti.  Thus  the  Nurse,  trying  to  comfort 
Calpurnia,  says: 

"Che  pill?  certo  e  ciascun  d'aver  un  giorno 
A  terminar  sua  vita,  e'l  quando  £  incerto : 
Ne  pud  verun,  per  giovine,  e  robusto, 
Che  sia  pur  un  sol  di,  pur  un  momento 
Promettersi  di  vita,  or  dobbiam  noi 
Percid  viver  ogn'or  col  cuor  tremante, 
Come  ogn'ora  il  carnefice  ci  stesse 
Col  ferro  ignudo  sopra,  e  avvelenare 
Tutte  col  timor  nostro  le  dolcezze 
Delia  presente  vita,  anzi  una  morte 
Perpetua  far  tutta  la  vita  nostra? 
Perch'  in  temendo  il  mal  pena  maggiore, 
Che  nel  patir  lo  stesso  mal  si  prova.* 

Caesar,  in  response  to  the  Priest  and  Calpurnia,  says, 


"Quel,  che  di  me  prefisso  e  in  ciel,  conviene, 
Che  sia;  ne  per  por  mente  a  sogni,  6  a  segni 
Potr6  schivarlo,  e  folle  a  me  colui 
Sembra,  che  teme  quel,  che  per  consiglio, 
N&  per  saver  uman  non  pu6  schivarsi." — Page  77. 

Again,  it  is  remarkable  that  in  both  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare, 
D.  Brutus  is  made  the  bearer  of  Caesar's  message :  in  the  former, 
to  Mark  Antony,  who  is  to  address  the  Senate;  in  the  latter, 
he  himself  is  to  deliver  the  message  to  the  Senate. t 
Again,  to  Decius'  greeting  Caesar  replies: 

"And  you  are  come  in  very  happy  time, 
To  bear  my  greeting  to  the  senators, 

In  Garnier's  "Cornelie"  (Kyd's  trans.)  we  read: 
"The  fear  of  evil  doth  afflict  us  more 

Than  the  evil  itself,  though  it  be  neer  so  sore." 

*  Pp.  39-40.    Also  pages  79,  80,  82,  83  and  94,  in  which  this  same  idea  finds 
expression. 

t  This  is  not  the  case  in  Muretus  or  GreVin,  nor  is  it  found  in  Plutarch. 


73 

And  tell  them  that  I  will  not  come  to-day: 
Cannot,  is  false,  and  that  I  dare  not,  falser: 
I  will  not  come  to-day :  ttll  them  so,  Decius. 

Cal—  Say  he  is  sick  "  (II.,  n,  60). ; 

Who  has  intimated  that  Caesar  fears  to  come  to  the  Senate? 
His  expressions  are  plainly  those  of  a  man  influenced  by  cir- 
cumstances which  he  considers  it  derogatory  to  his  own  sense 
of  superiority  to  acknowledge.  His  exaggerated  self-con- 
sciousness is  feverish ;  even  as  he  speaks,  he  builds  inferences 
which  no  one  but  himself  could  derive  from  the  premises.* 
He  knows  he  is  not  sick,  nor  that  he  looks  as  if  he  were  sick; 
when  Calpurnia  tells  Decius  to  plead  his  illness,  he  builds 
another  inference: 

Caes. — "Shall  Caesar  send  a  lie? 

Have  I  in  conquest  stretch'd  mine  arm  so  far, 
To  be  afeard  to  tell  gray  beards  the  truth? 
Decius,  go  tell  them  Caesar  will  not  come." 

The  very  thought  that  anyone  would  suspect  him  of  fear,  and 
worse  yet,  of  attempting  to  hide  his  fear  in  a  falsehood,  revolts 
him.  An  absolute  exhibition  of  will  is  more  becoming,  and  he 
feels  it. 

Dec. — "Most  mighty  Caesar,  let  me  know  some  cause, 
Lest  I  be  laugh'd  at  when  I  tell  them  so." 

This  request  is  dramatically  effective:  is  it  historically  or 
dramatically  true?  Caesar  has  said  nothing  at  which  the 
Senate  might  laugh ;  the  commands  of  a  Dictator  were  danger- 
ous subjects  for  mirth.  His  entourage  were  in  no  jocund  mood 
after  the  Lupercalia. 

Bru. — "I  will  do  so;  but,  look  you,  Cassius, 

The  angry  spot  doth  glow  on  Caesar's  brow, 
And  all  the  rest  look  like  a  chidden  train.f 

*  True,  the  conspirators  have  suspected  that  the  portents  and  the  auspices 
might  persuade  him,  and  Trebonius  has  prepared  for  this.  But  how  was 
Caesar  to  know? 

1 1.,  ii,  182. 


74 

Yet  here  is  a  proud  conqueror,  that  lets  an  underling,  although 
a  friend,  hint  that  his  commands  might  be  laughed  at.  True, 
Decius  says,  "  Lest  I  be  laughed  at,"  but  to  insult  the  messenger 
because  of  Caesar's  message,  would  surely  be  to  scorn  Caesar. 
Instead  of  the  decisive,  imperious  command  we  should  expect, 
we  get  a  reiteration  of  a  previous  statement,  and  then  the 
Dictator  is  lost  in  the  man.  For  Decius'  private  satisfaction, 
but  by  no  means  for  his  public  announcement,  Caesar  confides 
his  true  reasons.  Decius  interprets  the  dream  in  a  manner 
most  soothing  to  Caesar's  vanity,  and  when  he  intimates  that 
were  some  one  to  tell  of  this  dream  to  the  Senate,  Caesar 
might  become  a  laughing-stock  and  be  accused  of  cowardice, 
the  Dictator  is  vanquished;  pride  has  conquered  fear.  Yet, 
mark,  the  dream  was  told  to  Decius  as  to  a  good  friend,  and  in 
confidence.  What  right  had  he  to  assume  that  the  dream 
would  be  told  to  the  Senate?  If  it  were  told,  he  alone  could 
he  held  responsible  for  its  telling,  since  he  alone,  (besides 
Calpurnia),  knew  of  it.  Since  when  has  the  valiant  Decius 
become  a  superior  interpreter  of  dreams?  Why  should  his 
explanations  of  a  woman's  fancies  have  greater  weight  with 
Caesar  than  the  solemn  decision  of  the  venerable  college  of 
augurs?  Decius  boasts  his  ability  to  oversway  Caesar,  but 
he  succeeds  only  because  the  latter,  as  in  "Cesare,"  in  his 
pride  and  vanity,  is  only  too  glad  to  seize  an  opportunity  to 
silence  his  own  apprehension,  without  compromise  to  his  own 
exalted  opinion  of  himself.  He  is  blind  to  all  other  circum- 
stances. This  conception  of  the  scene  is  the  only  one,  which, 
to  me  at  least,  renders  it  dramatically  satisfying. 

Professor  MacCallum,*  of  all  the  many  commentators  on 
this  character,  seems  to  have  offered  the  most  satisfactory 
interpretation.  Caesar's  bearing  certainly  justifies  this  critic's 
opinion,  that,  in  a  certain  sense,  he  is  playing  a  part  and  aping 
the  immortal  to  be  seen  of  men.  As  has  been  shown  above, 
Pescetti's  entire  treatment  suggests  the  same  conception. 
His  Caesar,  if  we  may  overlook  the  omission  of  any  mention 
of  his  physical  failings,  can  be  aptly  characterized  by  Professor 

*  MacCallum,  op.  cit.,  p.  228. 


75 

Dowden's  appraisal  of  the  character  in  Shakespeare.  "Julius 
Caesar  appears  in  only  three  scenes  of  the  play.  In  the  first 
scene  of  the  third  act  he  dies.  When  he  does  appear,  the  poet 
seems  anxious  to  insist  upon  the  weakness  rather  than  on  the 
strength  of  Caesar.  He  is  subject  to  the  vain  hopes  and  vain 
alarms  of  superstition.  His  manner  of  speech  is  pompous  and 
arrogant.  He  accepts  flattery  as  a  right;  he  vacillates  while 
professing  unalterable  constancy;  he  has  lost  in  part  his  gift 
of  perceiving  facts  and  of  dealing  efficiently  with  men  and 
events."* 

Another  similarity  in  the  treatment  of  Caesar  must  be 
noted.  While  Pescetti's  tragedy  is  called  "II  Cesare,"  the 
titular  hero  occupies  a  position  of  the  same  relative  unim- 
portance as  the  Caesar  of  Shakespeare's  drama.  He  appears 
in  but  two  of  the  five  acts,  the  third  and  the  fourth,  and  is 
fairly  prominent.  Yet,  Brutus  is  the  real  protagonist.  He 
appears  in  each  act  but  the  third,  and  is  conspicuous  through- 
out as  the  chief  representative  of  the  action. 

Yet  here,  as  in  Shakespeare,  the  spirit  of  Caesar  dominates 
the  play.  From  first  to  last  it  permeates  the  drama  and 
provides  the  mainspring  of  the  action.  From  Brutus'  first 
speech  to  the  concluding  words  of  the  Second  Messenger  his 
name  is  always  before  us.  Calpurnia  beholds  him  in  her 
dreams,  the  Priest  sees  in  the  portents  destruction  threatening 
him  and  Rome,  while  the  Choruses  beg  the  gods  to  avert  the 
impending  disasters.  Even  Portia  is  animated  by  a  desire  to 
wreak  vengeance  on  him.  The  Messenger  in  his  final  lament 
sees  in  his  death  the  end  of  Rome's  glories  and  presents  him 
to  us  as  the  nemesis  of  his  murderers.  The  effect  of  this 
treatment  is  to  invest  the  entire  play  in  an  atmosphere  of 
portent,  with  Caesar  predominant. 

*  "Shakespeare,  A  Critical  Study  of  his  Mind  and  Art,"  by  Edward  Dowden, 
Harper  &  Bros.,  1903,  pp.  253-54. 


BRUTUS 

Pescetti  wrote  his  tragedy  with  the  evident  intention  of 
flattering  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  yet  never  was  fulfillment 
further  from  promise.  "Cesare"  could  hardly  have  furnished 
agreeable  reading  to  a  prince,  who,  lauded  on  one  page  as  the 
greatest  descendant  of  the  mightiest  Julius,  finds  throughout 
the  succeeding  pages  this  same  ancestor  denounced  as  an 
odious  tyrant,  and  displayed  in  action  as  a  weak,  vacillating 
braggart.  Nor  would  his  appreciation  of  Pescetti's  efforts 
have  been  increased  by  a  consideration  of  the  treatment 
accorded  Brutus.  Far  from  presenting  the  assassin  of  Caesar 
in  a  manner  which  might  have  been  regarded  as  acceptable 
to  the  Duke,  the  Italian  dramatist  considers  him  throughout 
with  the  highest  favor  and  never  wearies  of  his  praises. 

Pescetti's  dedication  renders  it  rather  difficult  to  account 
satisfactorily  for  his  Brutus.  Possibly  he  harbored  liberal 
sympathies  of  which  he  found  it  hard  to  rid  himself;  possibly 
he  was  here  too  greatly  under  Plutarch's  influence;  perhaps 
he  was  simply  following  in  the  footsteps  of  Muretus  and 
Grevin.  Plutarch  certainly  wrote  the  life  "con  amore," 
and  both  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare  continue  the  idealization 
of  the  character  begun  by  the  biographer.  To  both  drama- 
tists, as  to  Muretus  and  Grevin,  Brutus  was  the  "last  of  the 
Romans,"  in  whom  the  old  regime  found  its  final  and  noblest 
champion.  Under  the  circumstances  it  is  difficult  to  seize 
upon  any  phase  of  the  character  peculiar  alone  to  Shakespeare 
and  Pescetti.  Both  went  to  the  same,  or  nearly  the  same 
source  for  their  material;  both  followed  their  source  faith- 
fully. Yet  it  is  this  very  similarity  in  the  conception  of  the 
character  which  is  especially  significant  for  our  purpose,  for 
Shakespeare  could  have  found  in  the  Italian  dramatist  nothing 
to  weaken,  but  much  to  confirm  the  favorable  impression  he 
gathered  from  the  varied  pages  of  Plutarch. 

Pescetti's  pronounced  bias  is  discernible  from  the  very 

76 


77 

beginning.  In  his  dedication*  his  fulsome  flattery  of  Alfonso 
does  not  prevent  him  hinting  that  Caesar  was  no  lawful 
ruler,  nor  from  glancing  at  his  excessive  ambition,  even  though 
he  afterward,  in  his  drama,  makes  little  mention  of  the  one 
and  none  of  the  other.  But  perhaps  most  significant  of  his 
own  feelings  are  the  words  he  puts  into  the  mouth  of  the 
Chorus  of  Citizens  in  his  last  act.  The  chorus  sings  the 
praises  of  Brutus  in  a  manner  which  makes  the  immediately 
following  praise  of  Caesar  by  the  soldiers  pale  in  comparison: 

Coro  di  Cittadini: 

O  magnanimo  Bruto, 

Vera  stirpe  di  lui, 

Che  cacci6  i  Re,  ch'uccise  i  figli  sui: 

O  vero  Re,  ch'i  regni 

Non  pur  sprezzi,  ma  spegni, 

Et,  ucciso  il  Tiranno, 

Torni  la  liberta  nel  proprio  scanno; 

Qual  premio  possiam  darti 

Al  tuo  valor  condegno? 

Qual  lingua,  qual  ingegno 

£  bastante  a  lodarti, 

Quanto  se'  degno? 

O  quanto  sdegno 

H6,  che'l  mio  stile 

Non  giunga  al  segno? 

Delle  tuo  lodi,  ond'  io 

Portar  potessi,  al  mio 

Desir  conforme,  il  tuo  nome  gentile 

Dal!'  aureo  Gange  alia  rimota  Tile. 

Dov'  e,  dov'  e  la  Tromba 

Ond'  Achille,  et  Ulisse  ancor  rimbomba? 

Che  con  sonoro  canto 

Celebri  in  ogni  canto 

II  generoso,  e  pio 

Fatto,  e  tolga  di  mano  al  cieco  oblio. — Pp.  140-141. 

*  E  per  non  fare  ora  qui  (che  n£  il  luogo,  ne  1'occasione  il  ricerca)  un  catalogo 
di  tutti,  chi  dell'  antico,  6  del  moderno  secolo  possiam  noi  trovare,  che  a  Cesare 
somigli  piu,  e  faccia  meglio  parallelo  di  quel,  che  fa  la  Sereniss.  Altezza  Vostra? 
Sol  che  quelli  fosse  stato  Cristiano,  e  avesse  saputo  contentarsi  d'esser  il  primo 
della  sua  Citta,  senza  voler  esser  anche  della  stessa  Citta  piu  potente,  6  Signer 
legittimo  fosse  suto;  .  .  ."Cesare,"  Dedication,  p.  2. 


78 

It  is  difficult  to  consider  these  utterances  as  impersonal. 
Such  is  Pescetti's  admiration  for  the  assassin  of  Caesar  that 
he  speaks  in  his  own  person,  apparently  forgetting  in  his 
enthusiasm  that  he  has  assigned  the  words  to  the  Chorus 
of  Citizens.*  A  further  remove  from  Dante's  conception  of 
Brutus  can  hardly  be  imagined. 

Such  an  exhibition  of  partiality  could  not  have  been  lost 
on  Shakespeare.  Such  an  emphasis  of  Plutarch's  attitude 
could  not  have  failed  to  confirm  the  favorable  impression 
which  he  gathered  from  the  biographer.  Nor  could  Shake- 
speare, in  those  scenes  in  "Cesare"  wherein  Pescetti  attempts 
to  exhibit  Brutus  in  action,  have  gathered  any  hints  to  shake 
the  final  opinion  in  his  own  play: 

"This  was  the  noblest  Roman  of  them  all." 

Like  Shakespeare,  Pescetti  very  carefully  eliminates  from 
his  characterization  anything  which  might  reflect  unfavorably 
upon  the  moral  character  of  the  protagonist.  We  hear  nothing 
of  his  positive  moral  defects;  of  his  divorce,  of  his  rivalry 
with  Cassius  for  offices  within  the  gift  of  the  Dictator,  nor  of 
his  many  obligations  to  Caesar.  All  is  discreetly  passed  over. 
Whatever  Pescetti's  intentions,  he  probably  found  it  a  dra- 
matic necessity  to  exclude  them,  much  for  the  same  reason 
that  Shakespeare,  in  all  likelihood  influenced  by  his  example, 
was  led  to  ignore  them.  Possibly  it  was  the  Italian's  purpose 
to  portray  the  fruitless  struggle  of  a  hopeless,  though  noble 
and  virtuous  Republicanism  against  a  condition  of  affairs  whose 
existence  had  been  preordained  by  the  gods,  and  against  which 
all  the  forces  of  an  outraged  idealism  could  not  prevail. 
The  mortal  embodiment  of  this  power  might  fall ;  a  place  was 
ready  for  him  with  the  gods,  while  Tartarus  enlarged  its 
bounds  to  compass  his  foes.f 

*  In  the  classic  drama  it  is  not  unusual  for  the  Chorus  to  speak  in  the  first 
person,  but  this  instance  is  unique  in  Pescetti.     It  strikes  the  reader  with  all 
the  force  of  an  individual  opinion  of  the  author, 
t  In  the  Prologue,  Jove  comforts  Venus,  saying: 

"  Giulio,  della  cui  morte  tanto  lutto 
Meni,  e  cordoglio,  e  si  ti  lagni,  e  duoli, 
Risplendera  doman  in  ciel  al  pari 
Della  tua  Stella;  .  .  .  Prologue,  p.  10. 


79 

If  we  are  to  accept  the  opinion  of  some  critics,  Shakespeare 
was  influenced  in  his  treatment  of  the  subject  by  the  recent 
failure  of  the  Duke  of  Essex'  rebellion.  It  showed  plainly 
and  forcibly  the  folly  of  opposition  to  the  monarchial  power. 
The  same  idea  can  be  discovered  in  Pescetti.  Much  as  he 
lauds  Brutus,  the  practical  considerations  of  authorship 
compel  him  at  times  to  a  consideration  of  contemporary 
conditions.  Possibly  he  realized  that  he  was  going  too  far 
in  his  denunciation  of  Caesar,  for  we  find  the  Nurse  engaging 
in  a  defense  of  monarchs,  and  declaring, 

"E  non  son  altro  i  Regi,  che  Vicari 
Del  sommo  Giove." — P.  55. 

At  the  end  of  the  play,  the  author  is  careful  to  emphasize 
the  futility  of  fighting  against  the  established  order: 

"  E  chiaro  vedrai  meco, 
Che  questo  mondo  e  una  perpetua  guerra, 
Ove  Tun  1'altro  atterra, 
E  si  tosto,  ch'un  manca, 
Rinasce  un  altro,  e'l  mondo  si  rinfranca." — P.  149. 

But  it  is  quite  possible  that  neither  Pescetti  nor  Shakespeare 
had  the  faintest  idea  of  introducing  any  such  problem  into 
their  tragedy.  Possibly  both  dramatized  history  as  they 
conceived  it,  without  any  attempt  to  invest  their  work  with  a 
larger  significance.  Yet  consciously  or  unconsciously,  by 
thus  representing  their  hero  as  morally  immaculate,  actuated 
solely  by  the  highest  and  most  unselfish  motives,  while  the 
representative  of  monarchy  is  depicted  as  weak,  vacillating, 
and  tyrannous,  both  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare  have  secured 
for  the  problem  its  most  elemental  and  most  emphatic 
statement. 

Both  dramatists,  therefore,  approached  the  subject  in  the 
same  spirit.  Both  excluded  from  their  portrait  of  Brutus 
whatever  seemed  to  reflect  unfavorably  upon  his  character; 
both  included  whatever  might  add  to  his  moral  elevation. 
It  is  this  peculiar  insistence  upon  certain  traits  of  Brutus' 


8o 

character  to  the  exclusion  of  others,  that  furnishes  a  close 
parallel  between  the  two  plays.* 

The  Brutus  of  "Cesare",  at  his  first  appearance,  curiously 
resembles  the  Brutus  of  "Julius  Caesar"  after  the  famous 
soliloquy.  He  is  torn  by  no  doubts  as  to  the  moral  excellence 
of  his  plans :  his  whole  soul  is  bent  upon  the  destruction  of  the 
tyrant.  Thus,  in  his  opening  speech*  he  exclaims, 

"Oggi  a  Roma  fard  conoscer,  ch'io 
Degno  nipote  son  di  quel  gran  Bruto, 
Che  di  questa  Citta  cacciando  i  Regi 
Alta  vendetta,  e  memorabil  feo 
Del  barbarico  stupro  di  Lucrezia. 
Roma,  oggi  questa  mano,  e  questo  ferro, 
O  ha  da  sciorre,  e  romper  le  catene, 
Ond'  in  duro  servaggio  avvinta  sei, 
O  ha  da  trar  di  vergognosa,  e  grave 
Vita,  anzi  morte  me." — P.  12. 

This,  in  style,  sentiment,  and  wording  is  closely  parallel  to 
the  exclamation  of  Brutus  on  reading  the  notes: 

"Shall  Rome  stand  under  one  man's  awe?    What,  Rome? 
My  ancestors  did  from  the  streets  of  Rome 
The  Tarquin  drive,  when  he  was  called  a  King. 
'Speak,  strike,  redress.' — Am  I  entreated 
To  speak  and  strike?    O  Rome,  I  make  thee  promise 
If  the  redress  will  follow,  thou  receivest 
Thy  full  petition  at  the  hand  of  Brutus!" 

The  exclamatory  style  is  particularly  noteworthy,  as  it 
occurs  frequently  in  the  parallels. 

*  As  is  well  known,  Plutarch  nowhere  condemns  Brutus  for  his  murder  of 
Caesar.  Appian,  however,  while  he  recognizes  Brutus'  virtues,  is  strong  in 
condemnation  of  his  act.  He  says:  "Against  all  these  virtues  and  merits  must 
be  set  down  the  crime  against  Caesar,  which  was  not  an  ordinary  or  a  small 
one,  for  it  was  committed  unexpectedly  against  a  friend,  ungratefully  against 
a  benefactor  who  has  spared  them  in  war,  and  nefariously  against  the  head  of 
the  state,  in  the  senate  house,  against  a  pontiff  clothed  in  his  sacred  vestments, 
against  a  ruler  without  an  equal,  who  was  most  useful  above  all  other  men  to 
Rome  and  its  empire."  Civil  Wars,  White's  Trans.,  p.  381. 

It  is  curious  to  note  how  Pescetti  here  abandons  Appian  in  favor  of  Plutarch. 


8i 

A  peculiar  difference  in  treatment,  but  a  striking  parallel 
in  content,  is  to  be  found  in  a  portion  of  the  Brutus-Cassius 
scene.*  In  Pescetti,  Brutus  enters  the  action  fully  resolved, 
and  though  Cassius  is  already  in  the  plot,  that  cautious  con- 
spirator has  his  doubts  as  to  Caesar's  vulnerability.  Brutus 
thereupon  indulges  in  an  argument  curiously  similar  to  that 
used  later  by  Cassius  in  Shakespeare's  play  when  he  is  striving 
to  arouse  Brutus.  In  Pescetti,  Cassius  says  of  Caesar: 

"Tu  sai,  ch'egli  e  feroce,  e  ne*  perigli 
Non  si  sgomenta  punto,  anzi  diviene 
Allor  piu  ardito,  e  coraggioso,  quando 
Maggior  vede  il  periglio."t — P.  24. 

Brutus  replies : 

11 E  siasi,  nulla 

Li  giover£  1'ardir,  nulla  la  forza, 
Che  non  potra,  se  tutto  acciaio  ei  fosse 
Resister  al  furor  di  trenta,  c'hanno 
Posta  la  propria  vita  in  abbandono 
Per  liberar  la  patria.    O  Cassio,  credi 
Tu,  ch'io  non  sappia,  ch'in  cotesto  tuo 
Petto  non  meno  ardir  si  chiude,  e  serra, 
Ch'in  quel  di  Giulio?  e  che  cotesto  braccio 
Non  e  del  suo  men  nerboruto,  e  forte?"* 

*  Just  before  the  discussion  concerning  Antony,  already  quoted. 
F  t  From  these  words  the  reader  may  believe  that  the  conspirators  feared  that 
very  courage  of  which  Caesar  himself  proves  deficient.  But  by  courage; 
Cassius  here  means  sheer  physical  bravery,  an  attribute  which  no  reader  either 
of  Pescetti  or  of  Shakespeare  can  deny  him.  The  courage  Caesar  lacked  was 
that  of  his  own  convictions.  Like  Macbeth,  the  known  had  no  terrors  for  him, 
but  like  the  Scottish  king,  he  is  confounded  by  the  unseen.  No  Roman  could 
have  found  fault  with  a  man  for  heeding  the  warning  of  the  gods.  The  historical 
Caesar,  it  is  true,  oft  expressed  his  contempt  for  omens,  while  the  Caesar  of 
the  drama  professes  to  disregard  them.  But  his  disregard  is  superficial,  and 
apparently  the  result  of  an  attitude  which  we  cannot  but  attribute  to  a  belief 
in  his  own  semi-divine  being.  Rather  than  be  suspected  of  feelings  common 
enough  to  ordinary  mortals,  Caesar  deludes  himself  by  a  process  of  self-hyp- 
notism, and  is  led  to  his  doom,  a  victim  of  his  lack  of  true  courage,  a  sacrifice 
to  his  own  inordinate  vanity. 

t  P.  24.  Is  this  perhaps  the  hint  from  which  Shakespeare  built  up  the  entire 
scheme  of  physical  comparisons  dwelt  upon  by  Cassius?  The  swimming  of 
the  Tiber,  for  instance? 


82 


Shakespeare  has: 


Cassius — "  I  had  as  lief  not  be  as  live  to  be 
In  awe  of  such  a  thing  as  I  myself. 
I  was  born  free  as  Caesar;  so  were  you. 
We  both  have  fed  as  well,  and  we  can  both 
Endure  the  winter's  cold  as  well  as  he.* 

It  is  remarkable  that  in  both  dramas  the  authors  found  it 
necessary  to  convince  one  of  their  conspirators  that  Caesar 
was  physically  the  same  as  other  men. 

The  Brutus  of  Pescetti  is  accorded  the  same  high  estimate 
by  his  countrymen  as  the  Brutus  of  Shakespeare.  Cassius 
refers  to  him  as  "  II  mio  Bruto"  and  lauds  him  as 

"Bruto,  sovrano  pregio,  e  gloria  della 
Romana  gioventu,  Bruto,  in  cui  splende 
Ogni  prisco  valor,  cui  chiama  il  cielo 
A  gloriose,  et  immortali  imprese." — P.  15. 

A  little  further  on  he  continues: 

"Or  si,  c'huomo  ti  stimo,  Bruto,  e  vero 
Ramo  di  quella  eccelsa,  e  gloriosa 
Stirpe,  ch'a  Roma  il  giogo  indegno  scosse. 
Or  si,  che  chiaro  veggio  ch'  in  te  spirto 
Veramente  Roman  si  chiude,  e  serra; 
Ch'in  te  quel  valor  vive,  ch'oggi,  invano 
Cerco  nel  popol  nostro,  invan  disio." — P.  16. 

This  speech  follows  Brutus'  revelation  of  his  determination 
to  kill  the  tyrant.  In  Shakespeare,  after  Cassius  has  suc- 
ceeded in  moving  Brutus,  he  says, 

"Well,  Brutus,  thou  art  noble.  .  .  ."t 
The  shade  of  Pompey  says  to  Brutus: 

"...  Tu  puoi  dunque, 
Bruto,  servir?  tu,  che  1'origin  trai 
Da  colui,  che  premier  la  libertade 
A  questa  alta  Citta  don6?  tu  puoi 

*  I.,  ii.  95. 
1 1.,  ii,  308. 


83 

A  Tiranno  servir?  tu,  che  discendi 
Da  colui,  che'l  leggitimo  Signore 
Tollerar  non  poteo?  questo  appreso  hai 
Da  quella  sacrosanta,  e  veneranda 
Maestra  della  vita,  e  de'  costumi, 
.    Per  cui  seguir  gia  nell'  etade  acerba 
La  patria  abbandonasti,  e  la  te'n  gisti, 
Ove  fiorian  tutti  i  lodati  studi, 
Tutte  1'arti  gentili,  e  bei  costumi? 
Ahi  quanto  defraudato  hai  quella  speme, 
Che  gia  fanciullo  ancor  di  te  destasti 
Nel  petto  di  ciascun,  che  ti  conobbe? 
Mai  col  principio  il  fin  s'accorda,  o  Bruto, 
Mai  risponde  alia  prima  la  mezzana 
Eta:  pur  sai,  ch'in  valor  dee  1'huom  sempre 
Irsi  avanzando,  qual  fiume  reale, 
Che  quanto  piu  dal  fonte  suo  si  scosta, 
Tanto  piu  cresce,  e  al  mar  piu  ricco  corre. 
Destati,  e  Bruto,  destati,  e  raccendi 
Quel  fuoco,  ch'era  in  te  ne'  tuoi  primi  anni; 
E  mostra,  ch'al  tuo  nome  corrisponde 
L'animo,  ne  dal  ceppo  tuo  traligni." — P.  17. 

Here  we  find  many  characteristics  enumerated,  garnered 
from  Plutarch  and  Appian,  which,  in  addition  to  those  already 
quoted,  could  have  enabled  Shakespeare  without  Plutarch's 
scattered  hints,  to  build  a  considerable  part  of  his  character- 
ization of  Brutus.  In  Shakespeare,  Cassius  says  to  Brutus: 

"You  bear  too  stubborn  and  too  strange  a  hand 
Over  your  friend  that  loves  you."* 

Here,  as  in  Pescetti,  all  animosity  between  them  is  forgotten. 
Further  on  Cassius  exclaims,  as  Brutus  assures  him  that  he 
loves  the  name  of  honor  more  than  he  fears  death: 

"  I  know  that  virtue  to  be  in  you,  Brutus, 
As  well  as  I  do  know  your  outward  favor.f 

Just  before  this,  he  says: 

*  I..  ".  33-34- 

1 1.,  ii,  89-90. 


84 

"And  it  is  very  much  lamented,  Brutus, 
That  you  have  no  such  mirrors  as  will  turn 
Your  hidden  worthiness  into  your  eye, 
That  you  might  see  your  shadow.     I  have  heard 
Where  many  of  the  best  respect  in  Rome, 
Except  immortal  Caesar,  speaking  of  Brutus, 
And  groaning  underneath  this  age's  yoke, 
Have  wished  that  noble  Brutus  had  his  eyes."* 

Casca  refers  to  Brutus  as  follows : 

"O,  he  sits  high  in  all  the  people's  hearts."f 
Cassius  again : 

" and  no  man  here 

But  honors  you ;  and  every  one  doth  wish 
You  had  but  that  opinion  of  yourself 
Which  every  noble  Roman  bears  of  you."  J 

Ligarius  hails  him  as, 

"Soul  of  Rome, 
Brave  son,  derived  from  honorable  loins." § 

"Set  on  your  foot, 

And  with  a  heart  new-fired  I  follow  you, 
To  do  I  know  not  what;  but  it  suffice th 
That  Brutus  leads  me  on."|| 

The  same  confidence  in  Brutus  is  manifested  by  the  Cassius  of 
"Cesare."  As  Brutus  and  he  come  out  of  the  temple,  Cassius 
says: 

"Scritta  nel  volto  tuo  veggio,  e  per  gli  occhi 

Scintillar  fuor  tal  tua  baldanza  scorgo. 

Quindi  felice  angurio  io  prendo;  quindi 

Anch'  io  tutto  m'inanimo,  e  rincuoro 

E  certissima  speme  io  concepisco, 

Ch'aver  felice  fin  deggia  la  cosa." — P.  23. 

*  I.,  ii,  54-61. 
1 1.,  iii,  157- 
i  II.,  i,  90. 
§II.,i,32i. 
II  II.,  i,  332. 


85 

Like  Shakespeare,  Pescetti  lays  great  stress  upon  Brutus' 
lack  of  foresight.  As  is  evident  from  the  discussion  regarding 
Antony,  he  utterly  fails  to  see  the  fatal  mistake  he  makes  in 
sparing  that  subtle  opportunist.  That  it  is  a  mistake,  Pes- 
cetti shows,  when,  near  the  end  of  the  drama,  the  Messenger 
announced  that  Antony  and  Lepidus  are  about  to  avenge 
Caesar's  death.  Brutus'  whole  argument  is  characteristic  of 
the  closet  philosopher;  books,  not  men,  have  been  the  object 
of  his  studies.  He  can  dissect  sagely  the  motives  of  his  own 
actions,  but  he  is  helpless  to  penetrate  the  purposes  of  other 
men.  In  glaring  contrast  to  the  Brutus  of  the  famous  solilo- 
quy, yet  akin  in  his  impracticability,  here  is  a  Brutus  who 
speaks  thus,  when  a  cautious,  worldly  Cassius  reminds  him 
(in  regard  to  Antony), 

"A  me  pill  saggio 

Sembra  colui  che  1'  suo  nemico  uccide 
Pria  che  1'  offenda,  che  lui,  che  dopo 
Ch'  e  stato  offeso,  vendica  1'ingiuria. 
Bruto — Non  il  pensier,  ma  1'opra  punir  vuolsi. 
Oltra,  che  chi  m'accerta,  ch'ei  tal  mente 
Abbia  qual  dici?     Chi  pu6  dentro  il  petto 
Suo  penetrar?  e  ci6,  che  vi  nasconde 
Veder?    Gli  uman  pensier  sol  Giove  intende." — P.  26. 

He  would  spare  Antony  because  he  is  a  reveller  and  given 
to  the  pleasures  of  the  flesh.  How  could  such  a  man,  he  asks, 
triumph  over  those  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to  study  and 
toil?  He  fatuously  believes  that  Caesar's  death  will  so  in- 
timidate Antony  as  to  drive  all  desire  of  domination  out  of 
the  head  of  that  wily  schemer. 

And  to  all  of  this,  Cassius  very  appropriately  replies: 

"Bruto,  tu  se'  troppo  pietoso:  voglia 
II  ciel,  che  questa  tua  pieta  non  sia 
Un  giorno  a  noi  crudel." — P.  27. 

Yet  this  Brutus,  just  like  Shakespeare's  Brutus,  is  so 
carried  away  by  the  conviction  of  the  irresistible  justice  of 
his  cause  that  he  abruptly  terminates  this  vital  discussion 
by  the  lofty  statement: 


86 

"Chiunque  ama  virtu,  figlio  e  di  Giove." 

This  overpowering  sense  of  the  righteousness  of  his  cause 
is  strong  throughout.  In  his  opening  speech  he  exclaims, 
as  he  addresses  Jove: 

" ne  sdegnar,  ch'io  sia, 

Benche  indegno,  ministro,  et  instrumento 
Delia  giustizia  tua ;  ne  perche  sacro 
Luogo  alia  morte  del  Tiranno  abbiamo 
Eletto,  riputar,  ch'in  noi  s'annidi 
Altro  pensier,  che  pio:  Rimira  al  cuore, 
Che,  se  1'atto  e  profano,  il  cuor  e  pio, 
E  piet£  sola  e  di  tal  atto  madre." — P.  13. 

He  considers  himself  the  unworthy  instrument  of  Jove's 
vengeance.  He  feels  that  the  act  itself  is  impious,*  but  his 
lofty  motives  must  plead  his  excuse. 

"O  conspiracy, 

Shamest  thou  to  show  thy  dangerous  brow  by  night, 
When  evils  are  most  free?    O,  then,  by  day 
Where  will  thou  find  a  cavern  dark  enough 
To  mask  thy  monstrous  visage ?f 

Just  before  this  he  says : 

Since  Cassius  first  did  whet  me  against  Caesar 
I  have  not  slept.  "J 

Since  the  shade  of  Pompey  appeared  to  him,  Pescetti's  Brutus 
exclaims  that  his  thoughts,  like  those  of  the  Greek  Milthiades, 

"Non  mi  lascian  dormir,  ne  prender  posa." — P.  15. 

When  Portia  reminds  him   that  fortune  often  opposes  merit 
he  replies : 

"H&  ben  fortuna  per  antica  usanza 
Di  contrastar  alia  virtu ;  ma  quello 
Addopra  contra  lei,  che  1'onda  insana 
Del  tempestoso  mar  nel  fermo  scoglio." — P.  49. 

*  Probably  because  it  involved  a  profanation  of  the  sacred  precincts  of  the 
Senate.  But  one  might  expect  such  an  ardent  patriot  to  regard  Caesar's  death 
here  as  a  very  acceptable  sacrifice  to  the  gods  he  supposedly  outraged.  But 
see  Appian. 

t  IL,  i,  77. 

J  II.,  i,  61. 


87 

This  is  the  same  spirit  that  prompts  Shakespeare's  Brutus 
to  reject  the  oath : 

"What  other  oath 
Than  honesty  to  honesty  engaged 
That  this  shall  be  or  we  will  fall  for  it?" 

"  Unto  bad  causes  swear 
Such  creatures  as  men  doubt,  but  do  not  stain 
The  even  virtue  of  our  enterprise, 
Nor  the  insuppressive  mettle  of  our  spirits 
To  think  that  or  our  cause  or  our  performance 
Did  need  an  oath  .  .  .  ."* 

In  "Cesare,"  Brutus  has  such  a  hold  over  the  conspirators 
that  they  gladly,  as  in  Shakespeare,  accept  his  leadership  and 
decision  on  all  points.  To  him  are  left  all  the  details  of  the 
murder.  When  the  fateful  moment  comes,  he  stands,  after 
the  first  shock,  unmoved  by  the  fears  of  his  fellows,  and  calms 
their  panic  when  Lenate  speaks  to  Caesar. 

"Respira,  6  Cassio,  chi  li  parla  d'altro, 
Per  quel,  che  di  qul  posso  dal  sembiante 
Comprender,  e  da  gesti."f 

"Cassius,  be  constant; 
Popilius  Lena  speaks  not  of  our  purpose; 
For,  look,  he  smiles,  and  Caesar  doth  not  change."J 

The  Brutus  of  Pescetti,  who  can  find  time  to  study  faces  at 
such  a  critical  moment,  never  forgets  the  respect  due  to 
himself.  Just  like  Shakespeare's  Brutus,  as  long  as  a  fighting 
chance  exists,  he  would  fight  to  the  last,  but  he  would  sooner 
die  by  his  own  hand  than  grace  the  triumph  of  his  enemy. 
To  Cassius,  who  rouses  him  to  the  danger  in  Lenate's  talk  to 
Caesar,  he  replies: 

"T'intendo;  ahi  che  valor,  dove  fortuna 
S'opponga,  nulla  val.     Stiam  preparati, 
Per  proveder,  se  fia  bisogno,  al  nostro 

*IL,  i,  124. 
t  P.  109. 
till.,  i,  22. 


88 

Scampo,  e  alia  liberta  farci  la  strada, 

Se  non  possiam  con  altro,  col  passarci 

Co'  pugnali  Tun  1'altro  il  fianco,  o'  1  petto." — P.  107. 

Cas. —  "Then,  if  we  lose  this  battle, 

You  are  contented  to  be  led  in  triumph 
Thorough  the  streets  of  Rome? 

Bru. — No,  Cassius,  no.    Think  not,  thou  noble  Roman, 
That  ever  Brutus  will  go  bound  to  Rome; 
He  bears  too  great  a  mind.     But  this  same  day 
Must  end  that  work  the  Ides  of  March  begun. 
And  whether  we  shall  meet  again  I  know  not ; 
Therefore,  our  everlasting  farewell  take. 
Forever,  and  forever,  farewell,  Cassius! 
If  we  do  meet  again,  why,  we  shall  smile, 
If  not,  why  then  this  parting  was  well  made."* 

One  of  the  curious  things  in  Shakespeare's  drama  is  the 
rather  vague  causes  of  resentment  which  the  conspirators 
have  towards  Caesar.  As  Professor  MacCallum  says,  "Cas- 
sius, the  moving  spirit  of  the  opposition,  is,  at  his  noblest, 
actuated  by  jealousy  of  greatness.  And  he  is  not  always  at 
his  noblest.  He  confesses  that  had  he  been  in  Caesar's  good 
graces,  he  would  have  been  on  Caesar's  side.  This  strain  of 
servility  is  more  apparent  in  the  flatteries  and  ofnciousness  of 
Decius  and  Casca.  And  what  is  the  motive?  Cassius  seeks 
to  win  Antony  by  promising  him  an  equal  voice  in  disposing 
of  the  dignities;  and  he  presently  uses  his  position  for  extor- 
tion, and  the  patronage  of  corruption.  Envy,  ambition, 
cupidity,  are  the  principles  of  the  governing  classes ;  and  their 
enthusiasm  for  freedom  means  nothing  more  than  an  enthu- 
siasm for  prestige  and  influence,  for  the  privilege  of  parcelling 
out  the  authority  and  dividing  the  spoils .  What  care  have  these 
against  the  Man  of  Destiny,  whose  glories  have  given  compass, 
peace  and  security  to  the  Roman  world?  But  their  plea  of 
liberty  misleads  the  impractical  student,  the  worshipper  of 
dreams,  memories,  and  ideals,  behind  whose  virtue  they 
shelter  their  selfish  aims,  and  whose  countenance  alone  can 

*  v.,  i,  109. 


89 

make  their  conspiracy  respectable.  And  this  very  Brutus 
enters  the  conspiracy,  not  because  of  what  Caesar  did,  or 
what  he  is,  but  because  of  what  he  may  become !  I  need  not 
here  recount  such  causes  of  resentment  which  may  be  gleaned 
from  the  play.  They  all  tend  to  the  conclusions  advanced 
above.  The  only  serious  charge  urged  against  Caesar  is  that 
he  was  ambitious; — surely  a  sorry  charge  upon  which  to 
justify  to  the  Roman  populace  the  murder  of  a  benefactor."* 
The  same  lack  of  definiteness  in  the  charges  against  Caesar 
is  to  be  found  in  Pescetti.  The  latter,  like  Shakespeare, 
could  have  found  enough  material  in  Appian  and  in  Plutarch 
upon  which  to  ground  the  conspiracy,  but  we  look  in  vain  for 
some  decisive  accusation.  There  is  much  talk  of  tyranny, 
much  about  the  hard  yoke  under  which  Romans  groan,  but 
very  little  in  the  way  of  elucidation.  Caesar  is  not  accused 
of  ambition ;  no  mention  whatever  is  made  of  the  attempts  to 
crown  him.  Envy  does  not  seem  to  be  a  motive;  at  least  we 
gain  no  such  idea  from  the  conduct  of  the  conspirators,  although 
Mark  Antony  directly  hints  at  this  in  his  warning  to  Caesar. 

"Delia  fortuna  io  t'assicuro,  ch'ella 
Non  ti  sie  mai  contraria  si  nel  crine 
Awolte  Thai  le  mani.     Dall'insidie 
Ben  t'esort'  io  guardarti  de'  nemici. 
Molti  offesi  da  te  si  tengon:  molti 
Portano  invidia  alia  tua  gloria;  alcuni 
Abbaglia  il  tuo  splendore:  altri  patire, 
Che  tu  lor  sii  superior,  non  ponno. — P.  67. 

As  far  as  most  of  the  conspirators  in  "Julius  Caesar"  are 
concerned,  this  seems  to  fit  them;  but,  strange  to  say,  it  is 
difficult  to  see  where  it  applies  in  "Cesare."  Of  the  many 
offenses  of  which  Caesar  is  held  responsible  we  get  very  little 
beyond  this  bare  statement. 

As  far  as  Brutus  is  concerned,  he  evidently  blames  Caesar 
for  Pompey's  death  and  burns  to  avenge  it.  Just  why,  is 
nowhere  apparent.  He  longs  to  restore  the  ancient  liberties, 
but  in  what  degree  they  have  been  destroyed,  and  above 

*  P.  216-217,  MacCallum. 


90 

all,  just  what  part  Caesar  played*  in  their  destruction  is  not 
very  clear.  In  the  very  first  scene,  Brutus  apostrophises 
the  shade  of  Pompey,  who  had  appeared  to  him  during  the 
night,  and  had  said, 

" .  .  .  Tu  puoi  dunque, 
Bruto,  servir?  tu  che  I'origin  trai 
Da  colui  che  primo  la  libertade 
A  questa  alta  Citta  don6?  tu  puoi 
A  Tiranno  servir?  tu,  che  discendi 
Da  colui,  ch'l  leggitimo  Signore 
Tollerar  non  poteo?  questo  appreso  hai 
Da  quella  sacrosanta,  e  veneranda 
Maestra  della  vita,  e  de'  costumi, 
Per  cui  seguir  gi£  nell'  etade  acerba 
La  patria  abbandonasti:f 

He  recounts  the  hopes  entertained  by  the  bright  promise  of 
Brutus'  youth,  and  exhorts  him  to  prove  to  the  world  that 
these  hopes  may  yet  be  realized. 

The  shade  does  not  demand  vengeance  on  his  own  account; 
he  deplores  Brutus'  fealty  to  a  tyrant,  and  states  certain 
conditions,  but  nothing  specifically  tyrannical.  In  his  opening 
apostrophe  to  the  shade,  Brutus  indulges  in  the  same  general- 
ities. I  will  quote  this  entire  speech,  partly  for  its  bearing 
on  the  matter  under  discussion,  and  partly  for  the  light  it 
sheds  on  Pescetti's  conception  of  Brutus'  character. 

"Magnanim'  ombra  ecch'io  ti  seguo,  ecch'io 
M'accingo  all'  alta  impresa,  a  che  m'esorti. 
Oggi  6  del  sangue  del  crudel  Tiranno, 
O  del  mio  spargerassi  il  terren  sacro. 
Oggi  6  vendicard  1'empia  tua  morte, 
E  riporr6  la  patria  in  libertade, 
O  verrotti  a  trovar,  dovunque  sei. 

*  The  conclusion  is  irresistible  that  Pescetti  was  very  much  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Lucan.  This  is  true  not  alone  of  the  supernatural  element,  but  also 
of  the  general  attitude  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  talk  of  Caesar  very  much  in 
the  spirit  of  the  Pharsalia.  In  Book  IX.  Lucan  describes  how  the  soul  of 
Pompey  leaving  the  tomb  soars  to  the  abodes  of  the  Blessed  and  thence  looking 
down  upon  the  earth  inspires  the  breasts  of  Brutus  and  Cato.  (Lines  1-23.) 

tP.  17- 


Oggi  a  Roma  far6  conoscer,  ch'io 

Degno  nipote  son  di  quel  gran  Bruto, 

Che  di  questa  Citt£  cacciando  i  Regi 

Alta  vendetta,  e  memorabil  feo 

Del  barbarico  stupro  di  Lucrezia. 

Roma,  oggi  questa  mano,  e  questo  ferro 

O  h£  da  sciorre,  e  romper  le  catene, 

Ond'  in  duro  servaggio  awinta  sei, 

O  ha  da  trar  di  vergognosa,  e  grave 

Vita,  anzi  morte  me.    Giove,  se  giusto 

Se',  se'l  trar  le  Citt&  di  sotto  a  piedi 

De  superbi  Tiranni,  se'l  punire 

Gli  empi,  se'l  dar  a  gli  innocenti  aita, 

Opra  e,  che  sovra  ogn'altra  aggrada,  e  piace 

Alia  tua  maesta,  deh  favorisci 

La  santa  impresa,  e  se  prosontuoso 

Son  in  tor  queU'effetto  alia  tua  destra, 

Che  si  doveva  a  lei,  ch'era  suo  proprio, 

Perdona  al  gran  disio,  c'ho  di  vedere 

Nella  primiera  libert£  riposta 

Quest'alta  patria;  ne  sdegnar,  ch'io  sia, 

Benche  indegno,  ministro,  et  instrument© 

Delia  eiustizia  tua:  ne  perche  sacro 

Luogo  alia  morte  del  Tiranno  abbiamo 
Eletto,  riputar,  ch'in  noi  s'annidi 
Altro  pensier,  che  pio:  Rimira  al  cuore 
Che,  se  1'atto  e  profano,  il  cuore  e  pio, 
E  piet&  sola  e  di  tal  atto  madre." 

Here  is  a  man  ready  to  kill  Caesar  because  of  a  dream! 
The  Brutus  of  Shakespeare  would  kill  him  not  because  of 
what  he  is,  but  for  what  he  might  become.  The  same  state- 
ment regarding  tyranny,  ancient  liberties,  etc.,  occurs  again 
and  again  throughout  "  Cesare."  Cassius  repeats  them  in  the 
very  next  speech ;  but  all  is  very  vague,  very  indefinite.  Brutus 
and  Cassius  later  indulge  in  a  lofty  dialogue  concerning  liberty, 
and  Brutus  says  that  the  only  thing  which  has  kept  him  alive 
is  the  hope  that  some  day  he  may  be  able  to  help  Rome  regain 
her  ancient  liberties.  That  alone,  he  feels  sure,  has  also  kept 
Cassius  from  desiring  to  outlive  the  dead  Republic.* 

*  Pp.  89-90. 


92 

Perhaps  the  strongest  statement  is  contained  in  Brutus' 
speech  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  act.f 

"Cittadini,  II  Tiranno  ha  col  suo  sangue 
Pagate  le  dovute  pene,  et  ha  soddisfatto 
AH'anime  di  tanti  huomini  illustri, 
Che  son,  per  colpa  sua,  giti  sotterra. 
Omai  libera  e  Roma, 
Dalle  nostre  cervici  e  scosso  il  giogo, 
Et  ei  conforme  al  merto  suo  nel  propio 
Sangue,  ch'in  larga  vena 
Per  cento  piaghe  versa 
Giace  a  pie  della  statua 
Del  magnanimo  Duce, 
Cui  non  vider  mai  par  quest'  alte  mura:" — P.  115. 

Yet  there  is  nothing  stronger  in  all  this  than  in  Shakespeare. 
There  Caesar  comes  in  triumph  over  Pompey's  sons;  not  alone 
the  parent,  but  the  offspring  have  fallen.  Brutus  says, 

"No,  not  an  oath:  if  not  the  face  of  men, 
The  sufferance  of  our  souls,  the  time's  abuse, — 
If  these  be  motives  weak,  break  off  betimes, 
And  every  man  hence  to  his  idle  bed ; 
So  let  high  sighted  tyranny  rage  on 
Till  each  man  drop  by  lottery  "  (II.,  I,  114). 

t  In  Muretus  the  case  against  Caesar  is  also  weak.  In  Grevin,  Brutus  in 
his  speech  to  the  citizens  makes  definite  charges: 

"Ce  Tyran,  ce  Cesar,  enemi  du  Senat, 
Oppresseur  du  pays,  qui  de  son  Consulat 
Avoit  faict  heritage,  e  de  la  Republique 
Une  commune  vente  en  sa  seule  practique, 
Ce  bourreau  d'innocens,  ruine  de  nos  loix, 
La  terreur  des  Remains ,  e  le  poison  des  droicts, 
Ambitieux  d'honneur,  qui  monstrant  son  envie, 
S'estoit  faict  appeler  Pere  de  la  patrie, 
E  Consul  a  jamais,  a  jamais  Dictateur, 
Et  pour  comble  de  tout,  du  surnom  d'Empereur. 
II  est  mort  ce  meschant,  qui  decelant  sa  rage, 
Se  feit  impudemment  eslever  un  image 
Entre  les  Rois,  aussi  il  a  eu  le  loyer 
Par  une  mesme  main  qu'eut  Tarquin  le  dernier." 

(Lines  ioi7ff.> 


93 

Nor  can  I,  despite  all  this  talk  concerning  ancient  liberties, 
this  vehement  denunciation  of  tyranny,  discern  any  definite 
republican  tendencies  in  "Cesare."  As  has  already  been 
pointed  out,  Pescetti's  treatment  of  Caesar  aroused  the  resent- 
ment of  the  partisans  of  Alfonso  d'Este,  yet  the  author  takes 
pains  to  have  it  understood  that  princes  rule  by  divine  right 
as  God's  vicars  on  earth.  In  the  fourth  act,  Brutus  and 
Cassius  indulge  in  a  dialogue,  entirely  superfluous,  regarding 
liberty,  and  Cassius  advances  what,  to  a  Roman  at  least, 
must  have  seemed  rather  a  novel  view  of  this  much  discussed 
subject. 

Cas. — "La  liberta  null'altro 

E,  ch'imperio,  e  dominio  di  se  stesso." — P.  89. 

The  interjection  of  this  philosophical  conception,  seemingly 
so  at  variance  with  classical  traditions,  serves  only  further  to 
complicate  an  already  sufficiently  complicated  issue.  In 
short,  the  motives  of  the  conspirators  are  not  expressed 
with  sufficient  clearness  to  enable  us  to  indicate  their  exact 
nature. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  his  impracticability,  in  spite  of  the  haziness 
of  his  motives,  the  Brutus  of  Pescetti,  like  that  of  Shakespeare, 
leaves  us  in  no  doubt  as  to  the  sincerity  of  his  purpose.  What- 
ever base  motives  may  actuate  his  follows  (and  in  Pescetti 
none  are  discernible),  he  seems  to  deserve  the  same  eulogy 
accorded  the  Brutus  of  Shakespeare.  The  salvation  of  the 
common  weal  alone,  even  at  the  expense  of  his  own  life,  seems 
to  animate  him.  Thus,  he  says  to  Decimus  Brutus: 

"Albin,  tanto  al  morir,  quanto  al  dar  morte 
All'  ingiusto  Signer  siam  preparati: 
Per6  succeda,  come  piace  al  cielo. 
Se  1'opre  de'  mortai  rimira  Giove 
Con  occhio  giusto,  a  fin  felice,  e  lieto 
Scorgera  i  pensier  nostri,  ch'all'  altrui 
Salute,  all'  altrui  ben  rivolti  sono." — Ces.,  p.  93. 

"He  only,  in  a  general  honest  thought 
And  common  good  to  all,  made  one  of  them." — J.  C.,  V.,  v,  71. 


94 

It  is  certainly  significant,  that  with  a  wealth  of  material 
to  draw  upon,  both  Pescetti  and  Shakespeare  should,  in  regard 
to  Brutus,  treat  the  available  sources  in  a  manner  so  similar. 
Pescetti  excludes  much  historical  matter  which  he  might  have 
employed ;  Shakespeare  makes  practically  the  same  exclusions. 
Thus  the  histories  contained  sufficient  data  upon  which  to 
found  a  formidable  indictment  against  Caesar,  but  both  chose 
to  overlook  them  and  to  found  the  conspirators'  cause  on 
comparatively  insignificant  accusations.  In  both  dramas, 
certain  phases  of  Brutus'  character  are  emphasized  to  the 
exclusion  of  others.  Much  is  said  of  his  virtues:  nothing, 
not  even  by  his  enemies,  of  his  vices.  In  their  inclusions,  a 
similar  parallelism  exists  between  the  two  dramatists.  Pes- 
cetti, with  a  keen  perception  of  the  dramatic  value  of  that 
phase  of  Brutus'  character,  assigns  to  his  mistaken  idealism 
in  sparing  Antony,  a  far  more  significant  position  in  the  de- 
velopment of  his  tragedy  than  did  his  predecessors.*  Here 
we  get  an  individual  treatment  of  this  dramatic  crux  which 
has  a  striking  similarity  to  that  in  Shakespeare.  It  leaves  us 
with  the  same  conception  of  Brutus'  practical  failings,  with 
the  same  misgivings  which  we  experience  in  the  work  of  his 
great  contemporary.!  Unlike  Muretus  and  GreVin,  Pescetti 
does  not  overlook  the  importance  of  the  Popilius  Lena  incident, 
and  by  his  treatment  he  introduces  an  element  of  suspense 
which  Shakespeare  could  well  use  to  advantage.  Though 
both  dramatists  used  practically  the  same  source,  Pescetti 's 
individual  touches  seem  reflected  in  Shakespeare's  handling  of 
this  episode.  Again,  unlike  his  predecessors,  Pescetti  was 
fully  alive  to  the  value  of  the  Brutus-Portia  scenes,  and  reveals 
Brutus  in  his  domestic  relations  very  much  as  Shakespeare 
does  some  ten  years  later 4  Finally,  in  both  dramas  the 

*  There  is  no  doubt  that  Pescetti  found  in  Muretus  the  hints  for  some  of 
Brutus'  speeches,  but  his  loans  from  his  predecessor  do  not  affect  the  argument. 

t  But,  as  usual,  Pescetti  fails  to  take  full  advantage  of  this  motif.  During 
the  wordy  progress  of  the  drama  we  lose, sight  of  Antony,  and  only  a  few  lines 
at  the  end  suggest  him  as  the  Nemesis  of  the  conspirators. 

J  See  section  on  Portia. 


95 

protagonist  is  but  a  pawn  moved  by  invisible  powers,  pursuing 
his  fated  way  against  an  ominous  and  supernatural  back- 
ground. In  both  tragedies,  destiny  has  its  ghostly  pre- 
cursors; in  the  one  to  arouse  the  hero  to  action,  in  the  other, 
to  herald  his  doom. 


THE  OTHER  CHARACTERS 


There  is  little  in  Pescetti's  presentation  of  the  figure  of 
Cassius  suggestive  of  the  splendidly  drawn  portrait  in  "Julius 
Caesar."  Pescetti  found  it  a  difficult  matter  to  differentiate 
between  Brutus  and  Cassius;  much  that  the  latter  says  or 
does  throughout  might  with  equal  propriety  have  been  assigned 
to  his  fellow  conspirator.  Both  seem  to  be  of  one  mind  in 
most  matters ;  only  in  the  two  important  scenes  already  noted* 
does  Cassius  seem  possessed  of  any  distinct  individuality. 
In  one  his  caution  is  emphasized,  in  the  other  his  rashness  in 
the  face  of  danger. 

II 

Pescetti  was  little  more  fortunate  in  his  characterization  of 
Antony.  He  is  hardly  more  than  a  puppet  who  acts  the  part 
of  an  echo  to  Caesar  in  the  dialogue  before  mentioned,  in- 
dulges in  a  soliloquy,  and  then  vanishes  from  the  scene.  Ob- 
viously Pescetti  intended  him  to  play  the  part  of  the  tried 
friend  and  counsellor,  but  there  is  nothing  resembling  in- 
dividuality in  his  speeches.  He  talks  like  a  book,  and  has 
about  at  much  true  vitality  as  an  automaton.  Possibly  the 
soliloquy  was  introduced  to  contrast  his  ideas  on  dominion 
with  those  of  Calpurnia  on  the  same  subject,  and  to  lend  force 
to  the  dictum  contained  in  the  concluding  passage  of  the  play : 

"Che  questo  mondo  e  una  perpetua  guerra, 
Ove  Tun  1'altro  atterra, 
E  si  tosto,  ch'un  manca, 
Rinasce  tin'  altro,  e'l  mondo  si  rinfranca." — Ces.,  p.  149. 

This  is  not  a  bad  dramatic  device,  but  the  progress  of  the 
plot  is  so  obstructed  by  the  mass  of  needless  declamation, 
that  long  before  the  end,  all  thought  of  Antony  as  a  possible 

*  In  regard  to  Antony  and  the  Popilius  Lena  episode. 

96 


97 

successor  to  Caesar  has  escaped  the  reader.  In  Antony's 
recital  of  his  secret  longings,  he  reveals  traits  which  justify 
us  in  classifying  his  utterances  as  those  appropriate  to  a  crafty 
opportunist.  Pescetti  could  describe  his  characters  accept- 
ably enough,  either  in  their  own  words,  or  in  those  of  others, 
but  he  could  not  exhibit  them  successfully  in  action;  hence, 
this  soliloquy,  while  ineffective  in  his  own  drama,  could  readily 
furnish  hints  which  a  better  dramatic  artist  could  use  to 
advantage.  To  this  Antony,  nothing  is  dearer  than  dominion; 
for  him  there  is  no  bliss  comparable  to  the  "sweet  fruition  of 
an  earthly  crown." 

" Ma  sperar  tanto 

Non  oso.     Pur  chi  sa  quel,  ch'ordinato 

Sia  nel  celeste  regno?    A  me  medesmo 

Di  non  mancar  deliberate  sono, 

Se  mi  presenta  occasione  il  cielo, 

E  mi  mostra  la  via  di  conseguire 

Quel,  che  pu6  farmi  un'  altro  Giove  in  terra, 

A  pormi  in  man  dell'  universe  il  freno. 

In  tanto  io  cercherd  per  ogni  via, 

D'accattar  appo  il  popolo  favore, 

E  di  farmi  benevoli  i  soldati, 

Accid,  mancando  Cesare  per  morte 

O  naturale,  6  violenta,  i  possa 

Col  mezzo  lor  por  su  quel  grado  il  piede, 

Ov'  ha  condutto  lui  benigna  Stella." — P.  72. 

Antony  disappears  after  this  scene,  and  no  mention  is  made 
of  him  again  till  near  the  end  of  the  tragedy,  where  he  is 
described  as  having  fled  to  his  house  after  the  murder.  Un- 
fortunately, Pescetti  fails  to  give  Antony  an  opportunity  to 
realize  his  ambition,  but  he  provides  material  for  the  deline- 
ation of  a  counter  player  who  would  have  delighted  the 
Elizabethan  dramatists.  Pescetti  certainly  was  not  amiss 
in  his  estimate  of  the  character,  but  it  remained  for  a  greater 
dramatist  to  exhibit  him  in  action. 

Antony  does  not  appear  in  the  fifth  act  of  "  Cesare,"  but 
there  is  between  several  of  his  statements  in  Shakespeare,  and 
those  contained  in  Pescetti,  a  marked  similarity  in  style  and 


98 

sentiment.    Some   of   these    have    already   been    indicated. 
Among  others,  Antony  over  Caesar's  body,  exclaims, 

"Pardon  me,  Julius!    Here  was't  thou  bay'd,  brave  hart; 
Here  didst  thou  fall,  and  here  thy  hunters  stand, 
Sign'd  in  they  spoil  and  crimson'd  in  thy  lethe. 

How  like  a  deer  strucken  by  many  princes 
Dost  thou  here  lie!" — III.,  I,  205. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  Antony's  "credit  stands  on 
slippery  grounds,"  and  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  he 
would  use,  at  this  critical  moment,  the  simile  employed  by  the 
Messenger  in  Pescetti  as  he  laments  the  murder: 

"Non  fu  mai  fatto  si  crudele  strazio 
Di  mansueto  agnello 
Da  un  gregge  di  rabbiosi 
E  famelici  lupi, 

Com'  han  del  Signor  mio  quest'  empi  fatto. 
Parean  cani  bramosi 
D'insanguinar  1'acuto 
Dente,  e  1'avide  labbia 
Nella  gia  morta  fiera." — P.  120. 

There  seems  in  Antony's  lament,  an  echo  of  Mars'  threats 
in  the  Prologue  to  "Cesare." 

Ant.— ". 

A  curse  shall  light  upon  the  limbs  of  men; 

Domestic  fury  and  fierce  civil  strife 

Shall  cumber  all  the  parts  of  Italy; 

Blood  and  destruction  shall  be  so  in  use, 

And  dreadful  objects  so  familiar, 

That  mothers  shall  but  smile  when  they  behold 

Their  infants  quartered  with  the  hands  of  war: 

All  pity  choked  with  custom  of  fell  deeds: 

And  Caesar's  spirit  ranging  for  revenge, 

With  Ate  by  his  side  come  hot  from  hell, 

Shall  in  these  confines  with  a  monarch's  voice 

Cry  'Havoc',  and  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war; 

That  this  foul  deed  shall  smell  above  the  earth 

With  carrion  men,  groaning  for  burial  "   (III.,  I,  263). 


99 

Marie.— "Strage  orribil  vedrai;  dell'  empio  sangue 
Correranno  le  strade,  e  quai  torrent! 
Porteran  1'arme,  e  i  corpi  morti  al  mare. 
Fin  di  qul  n'  udirai  lo  scoppio,  e'  1  grido." — P.  6. 

Jove  commands  Mars: 

"Mescola  sdegni,  odi,  discordie,  versa 
Sopra  il  popol  Roman  furor,  disio 
Di  sangue,  di  vendetta,  ond'  alia  fine 
Tutti  gli  empi  dal  mondo  il  ferro  tolga." — P.  n. 

The  idea  of  civil  strife  is  found  all  through  the  last  act  of 
Pescetti,  and  is  probably  due  to  the  influence  of  Appian,  who 
details  the  horrors  following  the  proscription. 

Ill 

Historically  and  critically,  the  Brutus-Portia  scenes  in 
"Cesare"  are  of  prime  importance:  historically,  because  here 
for  the  first  time  in  any  play  on  this  subject  does  Portia  figure 
among  the  actors;  critically,  because  the  Italian  dramatist 
avails  himself  of  the  same  episode  chosen  from  the  same  source 
and  treated  broadly  along  the  same  lines  later  followed  by 
Shakespeare. 

Pescetti,  of  all  the  dramatists  of  Caesar's  fortunes,  seems  to- 
have  been  the  first  to  realize  the  dramatic  value  of  the  Brutus- 
Portia  scenes. f  Like  Shakespeare,  he  found  his  material  in 
Plutarch,  and  while  he  does  not  adhere  as  faithfully  to  the 
Plutarchian  sequence,  the  correspondence  in  the  motifs  he 

t  In  Muretus  she  has  no  place  in  the  action.     Brutus  refers  to  her  in  his 

soliloquy:  Act  II.,  lines  107  if. 

Brutus —  .  .  .  Haec  parum  si  te  mo  vent, 

Tua  jam,  vir  ut  sis,  te  satis  conjux  monet, 
Fidem  cruore  quae  tibi  obstrinxit  suam, 
Testata  sic  se  avunculi  prolem  tui. 
Si  ab  exequendis  te  avocat  coeptis  timer, 
Animusque  pigro  torpet  ignavus  gelu. 
Ex  femina  perdisce,  quid  deceat  vir  urn." 

This  is  the  only  reference  to  Portia  throughout  the  drama.     Grevin  makes  no 

mention  of  her,  while  Gamier,  in  his  "Porcie"  (1568)  treats  of  events  following 

the  death  of  Caesar. 


100 

employs  is  so  close  as  to  render  the  presentation  of  parallels 
peculiar  alone  to  the  two  dramatists,  a  matter  of  extreme 
difficulty,  and  in  most  instances,  of  doubtful  value.  With 
perhaps  two  exceptions,  to  be  noted  later,  there  are  no  hints 
in  Shakespeare's  treatment  which  he  could  not  have  derived 
from  Plutarch,  a  fact,  however,  which  in  no  way  invalidates 
the  hypothesis  herein  advanced  that  Pescetti's  inclusion  of 
Portia  influenced  Shakespeare  to  introduce  her  in  his  drama. 
"Julius  Caesar"  without  her  would  have  lost  nothing  in 
technical  completeness,  whatever  it  might  have  forfeited  in 
human  interest.  Voltaire,  with  Shakespeare's  example  before 
him,  excluded  Portia  from  his  drama  on  the  ground  that  the 
introduction  of  a  love  element  would  detract  from  the  high 
seriousness  he  considered  proper  to  his  tragic  hero.  Tech- 
nically, his  drama  is  sufficiently  satisfactory,  but  like  in 
Muretus  and  in  Grevin,  her  exclusion  injures  the  fullness  of 
his  characterization  of  Brutus,  and  robs  his  tragedy  of  a 
character  which,  skilfully  handled,  would  greatly  have  en- 
hanced its  popular  appeal. 

Shakespeare's  Portia  is  a  character  with  which  we  would 
grudgingly  part.  Beautiful  in  herself,  her  presence  serves  to 
bring  the  softer  side  of  Brutus  into  relief,  while  after  her 
husband's  departure  on  his  fateful  mission,  her  mental  anguish 
serves  admirably  to  increase  in  the  mind  of  the  spectator 
the  presentiment  of  impending  disaster. 

Pescetti,  like  Shakespeare,  makes  Portia  occupy  a  relatively 
small  part  in  the  action,  perhaps  for  the  same  reason  that 
prompted  the  greater  dramatist.  We  are  irresistibly  attracted 
to  the  latter 's  Portia,  and  her  persistence  in  the  action  would 
inevitably  have  led  to  a  divided  interest.  Possibly  Pescetti 
was  dramatist  enough  to  realize  this  and  acted  accordingly. 
His  Portia,  like  Shakespeare's,  serves  further  to  broaden  our 
conception  of  her  husband's  character,  while  in  herself,  she 
is  portrayed  with  power  sufficient  to  revive,  at  her  appearance, 
the  flagging  interest  of  the  modern  reader,  even  though  she 
seems  at  times  a  Brutus  in  female  attire,  and  shows  a  fondness 
for  dialectic  more  appropriate  to  the  schoolman  than  to  the 
Roman  matron. 


101 

From  the  evidence  presented  in  Pescetti's  handling  of  this 
theme  little  is  adducible  in  support  of  the  hypothesis  advanced 
above;  its  probability  must  rest  upon  the  cumulative  evidence 
favoring  Shakespeare's  knowledge  of  "Cesare"  presented  in 
the  course  of  this  work. 

Yet,  while  these  scenes  offer  little  of  value  for  our  purpose, 
their  historical  significance,  and  the  fact  that,  as  far  as  can  be 
determined,  this  is  the  first  time  that  the  matter  has  been 
dwelt  upon  in  the  literature  of  the  subject,*  must  excuse  the 
expository  character  of  much  that  follows. 

In  Pescetti,  Portia  appears  three  times:  once  in  the  first 
act  in  the  scene  immediately  following  that  between  Brutus 
and  Cassius;  in  the  second  act  with  Brutus  alone;  and  lastly, 
in  the  same  act  in  a  scene  wherein  both  overhear  Calpurnia's 
lament  to  her  Nurse.  In  the  first  scene  Brutus  has  little  to 
say.  The  dialogue  is  carried  on  mainly  with  Cassius.  On 
her  first  appearance  Portia  indulges  in  a  soliloquy: 

"Non  senza  gran  cagion  stamane  uscito 
Si  per  tempo  di  casa  e  il  mio  consorte: 
Gran  cose  ei  tratta  certo,  e  se  non  erra 
II  mio  pensier,  egli  apparecchia  il  giusto 
Premio  al  Tiranno  ingiusto,  se  pur  giusto 
Pu6  darsi  premio  ad  huom  si  ingiusto,  et  empio. 
Ah  perche  il  sesso  mio  non  mi  permette 
Vestir  gonne  maschili,  e  ne'  consigli 
Mescolarmi  de  gli  huomini,  e  le  cose 
Trattar  della  Republica,  e  di  duro 
Acciar  gravando  il  corpo  in  pr6  di  quella 
L'asta,  e  la  spada  oprar?" — P.  28. 

She  longs  to  dye  her  sword  in  the  tyrant's  blood.  This  is  a 
Portia,  more  like  the  Roman  matrons  who  could  calmly  watch 
the  bloody  shows  in  the  amphitheatre  than  resembling  the 

*  I  know  of  but  two  notices  of  these  scenes,  neither  being  much  more  than 
a  mere  mention.  Neri  says:  "Su  tutte  ancora  primeggia  il  Cesare  d'Orlando 
Pescetti,  che  per  il  rilievo  della  figura  di  Bruto,  tratta  da  Plutarco — vedi  la 
bella  scena  di  Porzia  nel  secondo  atto,  etc."  (La  Tragedia  italiana  nel  Cinque 
cento,  Ferdinando  Neri,  Firenze,  1904,  p.  158.)  It  is  also  referred  to  by  Emilio 
Bertana  in  "La  tragedia,"  Milano,  1904,  p.  75  ff. 


102 

idealized  portrait  of  Shakespeare.  Yet,  considering  her  terrible 
suicide,*  perhaps  Pescetti  had  the  truer  conception  of  her  real 
character.  That,  in  spite  of  her  martial  bearing,  he  appreci- 
ated her  more  womanly  traits,  is  evident  from  the  tenor  of 
Cassius'  address,  even  though  it  does  reflect  the  attitude  of 
the  Renaissance  courtier: 

"  Molto  per  tempo  esci  di  casa,  6  Porzia, 
Porzia,  di  pudicizia  raro  esempio, 
E  della  matronal  prudenza  chiaro 
E  purissimo  specchio,  viva  imago 
Di  quel  saggio;  appo  cui  fu  stolto  quale 
Piu  saggio  ebbe  la  Grecia ;  alia  cui  morte 
Mori  la  libertade,  e  nello  stesso 
Sepolcro  a  canto  a  lui  voile  esser  posta, 
Qual  facenda  a  quest'ora,  oltra  1'usato 
Tuo,  qua  ti  mena?    Senza  gran  cagione 
Non  e  ci6  fermamente,  che  non  suoli 
Tu,  se  non  per  gravissime,  e  important! 
Cagioni  uscir  in  pubblico ;  ma  come 
A  grave,  e  saggia  femmina  conviensi 
Dentro  a  muri  domestici  in  onesti 
Studi  passar  il  tempo,  riputando 
Degna  d'eterna  lode  quella  donna, 
La  cui  bellezza  a  pochi,  ma  la  fama 
fe  nota  a  molti,  che  non  fa  del  corpo 
Nelle  pubbliche  piazze,  e  ne'  teatri 
A  cupid'  occhi,  ma  alle  caste  menti 
Fa  di  sua  pudicizia  altiera  mostra." — Pp.  29-30. 

To  Cassius'  compliments,  and  his  inquiry  as  to  her  early  rising, 
she  replies  that  the  love  she  bears  her  country  demands  that 
she  be  made  a  party  to  their  plans.  It  is  in  vain  that  they 
withhold  secrets  from  a  loving  woman.  Cassius  assures  her 
that  no  one  doubts  her  worth  and  constancy,  but  the  matters 
they  contemplate  are  such  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  risk  their 
discovery.  Yet,  since  she  longs  to  know,  he  will  tell  her. 

"Noi  trattiam  di  trarre 
Di  sotto  al  giogo  Roma,  e  di  riporla 
Nello  state,  ond'  altrui  spietata,  e  ingorda 
Voglia  di  dominar  la  trasse  a  forza." — Ces.,  p.  31. 
*  Plutarch  notes  that  she  was  of  a  "noble  courage." 


103 

He  asks  her  to  aid  the  cause  with  her  prayers.  This  is  not 
much  to  her  liking;  she  would  rather  draw  a  sword  against 
the  tyrant.  Cassius  assures  her  that  the  prayers  of  woman 
have  often  had  greater  force  than  that  of  arms.  Her  reply 
is  one  of  Pescetti's  unconscious  gems  of  humor : 

"  lo  dunque,  poich'  a  me  stringer  non  lice 
Contra  il  Tiranno  il  ferro,  con  la  lingua 
Gli  far6  cruda,  e  dispietata  guerra." — P.  32. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  scene  Brutus  indulges  in  an  exultant 
outburst.  He  seems  already  to  hear  the  paens  of  joy  re- 
sounding throughout  Rome  at  the  news  of  the  Dictator's 
death.  The  scene  concludes  as  Portia  invokes  Heaven's 
blessing  on  the  conspirators'  enterprise.  She  announces 
her  readiness  to  die,  if  failure  attend  their  efforts,  for  the  love 
she  bears  her  husband  is  such  that  she  cannot  live  without  him. 
We  get  a  nearer  approach  to  Shakespeare's  treatment  in 
Portia's  dialogue  with  Brutus.  This  is  opened  by  Brutus, 
who  perceiving  that  Portia  has  wounded  herself,  and  thinking 
that  she  had  sustained  the  injury  in  the  discharge  of  some 
household  duty,  reproves  her  for  turning  her  hands  to  the 
lowly  tools  of  the  housewife.  She  replies: 

"H6  voluto  far  prova,  s'in  me  tanto 
Regni  animo,  et  ardir,  che  darmi  possa 
Di  mia  man  morte,  occasion  venendo, 
Ch'il  morir  bello,  6  necessario  sia." — P.  49. 

Brutus  admires  her  courage,  and  inquires  the  reason  for  her 
fears.  She  assures  him  that  often  fortune  opposes  merit,  and 
she  fears  for  his  safety.  He  loftily  replies  that  fortune  can 
no  more  prevail  against  the  virtue  of  his  enterprise  than  the 
raging  sea  against  the  immovable  rocks.  At  this,  Portia, 
in  spite  of  her  martial  bearing  heretofore,  begins  to  exhibit 
the  same  vacillation  as  Shakespeare's  Portia.  Fears  for  her 
husband  now  dominate;  the  Amazon  is  lost  in  the  wife.  She 
replies : 

"Tuttavia,  benche  lei*  non  vinca  mai, 
Impedisce  sovente  i  suoi  disegni; 


104 

Et  io,  s'avvien  (che  no'l  consenta  il  cielo) 
Che  cid,  che  tenti,  abbia  infelice  effetto, 
E  dove  pensi  dar,  riceva  morte, 
H6  stabilito  di  tenerti  dietro." — Pp.  49-50. 

Bru. — "Lodo,  Porzia,  et  ammiro  la  grandezza, 
E  generosit^  della  tua  mente 
Sprezzatrice  del  fato,  e  della  morte 
E  sopra  modo  pregiomi,  et  altiero 
V6  di  consorte  tal." 

Yet  he  does  not  approve  of  her  design,  and  conjures  her, 
by  the  love  she  bears  him,  to  refrain  from  all  thoughts  of  self- 
destruction.  Portia  replies  that  she  cannot  live  if  he  die; 

"  Porzia  di  Bruto  moglie,  e  di  Catone 
Figlia?  soffrir  il  volto  del  Tiranno, 
Onde  sia  giunto  a  crudel  morte  il  padre 
Et  il  marito,  potra  Porzia?    O  Bruto 
Quanto  piu  ti  stimava  accorto,  e  saggio? 
Dunque  in  tant*  anni,  che  vissuto  hai  meco 
Non  hai  Tammo  mio  compreso  appieno? 
Dell'  amor,  ch'io  ti  porto,  ancor  potuto 
Non  ho  farti  ben  chiaro?    E  tu  mi  stimi 
Si  poco  amante,  ch'io  potessi  senza 
T&  star  un'  ora  in  vita?     Bru.     Io  s6,  che  m'ami: 
Ma  sd  dall'  altra  parte,  che  non  meno 
Saggia,  che  amante  seY' — P.  50. 

The  scene  is  now  spun  out  to  include  a  series  of  mutual  pro- 
testations of  love.  It  concludes  as  Calpurnia  is  seen  coming 
out  of  the  temple,  whereupon  Brutus  and  Portia  descend  from 
amatory  dialogue  to  vulgar  eavesdropping. 

Plutarch  relates  that  when  Portia  showed  Brutus  the  wound 
in  her  thigh,  "he  was  amazed  to  hear  what  she  said  to  him, 
and  lifting  up  his  hands  to  heaven,  he  besought  the  gods  to 
give  him  the  grace  he  might  bring  his  enterprise  in  so  good 
pass,  that  he  might  be  found  a  husband  worthy  of  so  noble  a 
wife  as  Portia:  so  then  he  did  comfort  her  the  best  he  could. "f 

*  That  is,  Fortune, 
t  Marcus  Brutus,  p.  116.    Skeat. 

In  the  "Julius  Caesar"  of  Sir  William  Alexander,  (Earl  of  Stirling)  written 
a  few  years  after  Shakespeare's  play,  there  is  a  decided  similarity  between  some 


105 

Pescetti  does  not  rest  Brutus'  appreciation  of  his  wife  on  this 
basis;  he  rejoices  in  the  possession  of  a  wife  so  spirited. 
Shakespeare  idealizes  the  situation  in  Brutus'  exclamation: 

"O  ye  gods! 
Render  me  worthy  of  this  noble  wife." 

Near  the  end  of  the  third  scene  in  which  Portia  figures,  and 
wherein  she  and  her  husband  overhear  Calpurnia's  deter- 
mination to  prevent  her  husband  from  attending  the  session 
of  the  Senate,  Brutus  advises  her  to  go  home  while  he  goes  to 
join  the  conspirators.  The  scene  concludes  as  she  speeds  him 
with  her  blessing. 

Throughout  these  scenes  Pescetti  utilizes  many  of  the  motifs 
derived  from  Plutarch,  which  Shakespeare  at  erwards  included 
in  his  treatment.  But  the  emphasis  upon  several  of  them  has 
been  shifted ;  the  similarity  in  parts  between  the  two  authors 
is  due  mainly  to  this  common  source.  There  are  but  two 
points  of  importance  wherein  distinctly  individual  resemblance 
is  noticeable.  Both  in  Pescetti  and  in  Shakespeare,  as  has 
previously  been  pointed  out,  Portia  enters  the  scene  under 
practically  the  same  attendant  circumstances.  In  both 
dramas  she  appears  immediately  after  the  completion  of  the 
details  of  the  assassination.  Brutus  says  to  Cassius: 

"  Ma  giamo  ad  informar  del  tutto  gli  altri, 
Accid  gli  spirti  destine,  e  le  forze, 
Et  apparecchin  1'arme  all'  alta  impresa. 

Cas. — Aspetta,  ch'esce  fuor  di  casa  Porzia. — P.  28. 

Hereupon  Portia  enters. 
Shakespeare  has: 

Cas. — The  morning  comes  upon's.    We'll  leave  you  Brutus, 
And,  friends,  disperse  yourselves;  but  all  remember 
What  you  have  said  and  show  yourselves  true  Romans. 

Bru. — And,  gentlemen,  look  fresh  and  merrily; 
Let  not  our  looks  put  on  our  purposes; 

portions  of  the  Brutus- Portia  scenes  and  those  in  Pescetti.  The  prologue  seems 
an  echo  of  Pescetti's.  Nor  do  these  portions  have  anything  verbally  in  common 
with  Seneca,  the  model  of  both  tragedies.  See  Conclusion,  page  121. 


io6 

But  bear  it  as  our  Roman  actors  do, 
With  untired  spirits  and  formal  constancy; 
And  so,  good-morrow  to  you  every  one. 

Exeunt.     Brutus  remains.    Act  II.,  I. 

Immediately  after  the  few  lines  to  Lucius,  Portia  enters. 
While  it  may  be  simply  a  coincidence,  it  is  worth  remarking 
that  in  both  dramas  Portia  arises  in  the  early  morning  to  seek 
her  husband.  There  is  no  warrant  for  this  in  Plutarch.  That 
Pescetti  should  have  the  conspirators  perfecting  their  plans 
in  the  early  morning  may  be  regarded  as  a  necessity  of  his  dra- 
matic form.  Plutarch  does  not  suggest  this  touch.  Possibly 
Shakespeare  considered  it  a  gain  in  dramatic  effectiveness  to 
have  the  conspiracy  confirmed  during  the  tempestuous  night. 
Perhaps  Pescetti's  treatment  influenced  him.  In  both  dramas 
the  interrogator  comments  upon  Portia's  early  rising. 

Cassius — Molto  per  tempo  esci  di  casa,  o  Porzia. — Ces.,  p.  29. 

Brutus — Portia,  what  mean  you?    Wherefore  rise  you  now? 
It  is  not  for  your  health  thus  to  commit 
Your  weak  condition  to  the  raw,  cold  morning. 

Portia  in  soliloquy  says: 

Non  senzo  gran  cagion  stamane  uscito 

Si  per  tempo  di  casa  e  il  mio  consorte. — Ces.,  p.  28. 

In  Shakespeare  we  read : 

Portia — .  .  .  You've  ungently,  Brutus, 
Stole  from  my  bed. 

Plutarch  says:  "So  when  the  day  was  come,  Brutus  went  out 
of  his  house  with  a  dagger  by  his  side  under  his  long  gown,  that 
nobody  saw  nor  knew  but  his  wife  only."  (Marcus  Brutus, 
p.  116.)  •  Thus,  according  to  the  biographer,  the  conspiracy 
had  been  perfected  days  before  and  Portia  by  this  time  evi- 
dently -knew  of  it. 

Neither  is  there  any  warrant  in  the  histories  for  Portia's 
prayer  for  Brutus: 

"O  Brutus, 
The  heavens  speed  thee  in  thine  enterprise!" — Act  II.,  Sc.  IV. 


Similarly,  in  Pescetti,  Portia's  last  words  are  a  blessing  on 
Brutus: 

"Va,  che  ti  scorga,  e  ti  difenda  Giove." — P.  58. 

Even  closer  is  her  prayer  at  the  conclusion  of  Brutus'  rap- 
turous outburst  in  her  scene  with  Cassius: 

"  Ite,  6  forti,  ite  6  saggi,  te  6  de  gli  alti 
Legnaggi,  onde  scendete,  degni;  il  Cielo 
Secondi  i  desir  vostri." — P.  33. 

These  coincidences  may  be  simply  accidental,  but  taken  in 
connection  with  many  other  points  of  contact  between  the 
two  dramas,  they  assume  greater  significance,  and  lend 
strength  to  the  hypothesis  herein  advanced :  that  Shakespeare 
was  influenced  by  Pescetti 's  treatment  to  include  the  Brutus- 
Portia  scenes  in  his  own  drama. 

IV 

Pescetti 's  other  principal  feminine  character  is  the  conven- 
tional lay  figure  of  the  drama  of  his  time:  a  lifeless  automa- 
ton who  seems  to  exist  solely  for  the  purpose  of  indulging  in 
intolerably  wordy  lamentations.*  Yet  Pescetti  has  put  in 
the  mouth  of  this  lachrymose  puppet  a  few  lines  which  form 
the  closest  parallel  to  be  found  between  the  two  plays. 

D.  Brutus  thus  replies  to  Caesar's  depreciation  of  his 
flattery: 

D.  B. — "Non  e  lingua  mortal  per  pronta,  e  scaltra 
Che  sia,  non  e  di  dir  si  ricca  vena, 
Ne  si  divino  ingegno,  che,  non  dico 
Degnamente  lodar,  ma  narrar  possa 
Le  sopr'umane  eroiche  tue  prove. 
E  se  vivesse  il  grande  Omero,  altrove 
Certo  non  volgeria  1'alto  suo  stile, 
Che  a  cantar  i  tuoi  fatti  eccelsi,  e  magni, 
E  tema  vil  reputaria  lo  sdegno 
D'Achille,  e  i  lunghi  error  del  saggio  Ulisse." 

*  Many  of  the  motifs  of  the  Calpurnia-Nurse  scene  in  Pescetti  are  derived 
from  Muretus.  Others  are  reminiscent  of  Grevin. 


io8 

Hereupon  Calpurnia  exclaims: 

"Ahi  pur,  ch'anzi  a  gli  Euripidi  non  porga 
Materia,  onde  risuonino  i  teatri 
Ne'secoli  awenir  le  sue  sventure." 

This  outburst  is  entirely  lost  on  Caesar,  who  says: 

"A  parlar  d'altro  omai  volgiamo  i  nostri 
Ragionamenti ; "  .  .  .  . — Ces.,  pp.  105-106. 

Calpurnia's  prophetic  doubt  is  placed  in  such  a  setting 
that  its  dramatic  effect  is  lost.  This,  it  seems,  was  too  tempt- 
ing a  morsel  for  Shakespeare's  keen  sense  of  dramatic  fitness 
to  overlook,  and  at  the  moment  when  the  conspirators  have 
reached  the  climax  of  their  success,  we  find  him  assigning 
Calpurnia's  speech  to  the  exultant  Cassius,  to  stir  the  audience 
with  its  theatrical  effect  and  to  bewilder  generations  of  future 
critics. 

Cas. —  "  How  many  ages  hence 

Shall  this  our  lofty  scene  be  acted  over, 
In  states  unborn  and  accents  yet  unknown!" 

Bru. — "How  many  times  shall  Caesar  bleed  in  sport, 
That  now  on  Pompey's  basis  lies  along 
No  worthier  than  the  dust."*  (Ill,  I,  112. 

I  regard  this  as  the  most  remarkable  parallel  between  the 
work  of  Pescetti  and  that  of  Shakespeare.  It  is  entirely  too 
close  in  word  and  content  to  be  fortuitous.  The  dramatic 
effect  of  Cassius'  outburst  is  undeniable;  yet  its  dramatic 
truth  is  questionable.  All  the  more  so  since  the  speech  of 
Cassius  immediately  following, 

" So  oft  as  that  shall  be, 

So  often  shall  the  knot  of  us  be  call'd 
The  men  that  gave  their  country  liberty," 

*  Malone  long  ago  suggested  that  this  scene  probably  refers  to  the  popu- 
larity of  the  play  on  the  stage,  and  that  it  points  to  other  contemporary  dramas 
on  the  same  subject.  Prolegomena,  II,  ff.  448-9.  Ed.  1823.  Prof.  Sykes  sees 
in  it  a  dramatic  device  to  emphasize  the  reality  of  the  presentation.  "Julius 
Caesar"  note,  page  142. 


109 

has  always  impressed  me  as  an  anticlimax.  This,  both  in 
word  and  in  thought,  coming  so  soon  after  his  noble  speech, 
produces  the  same  unpleasant  effect  as, 

"O  world,  thou  wast  the  forest  to  this  hart, 
And  this,  indeed,  O  world,  the  heart  of  thee," 

which,  intruded  into  Antony's  lament,  has  caused  many 
critics  to  regard  these  lines  as  interpolations.  Nor  does 
Cassius'  first  exalted  outburst  seem  in  keeping  with  his  char- 
acter. Of  all  the  conspirators  he  is  the  last  whom  we  would 
expect  to  find  indulging  in  raptures  at  such  a  critical  moment. 
Far  more  in  keeping  are  his  next  words, 

"Ay,  every  man  away: 
Brutus  shall  lead,  and  we  will  grace  his  heels 
With  the  most  boldest  and  best  hearts  of  Rome." 

This  indeed  is  Cassius;  every  man  on  the  alert,  and  every 
energy  bent  to  insure  the  successful  conclusion  of  their  enter- 
prise. 

But,  whatever  its  fitness  to  the  character,  Shakespeare, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  effect,  certainly  could  have  found  no 
better  place  for  its  introduction.  Doubtless,  in  his  day  the 
gentry  clenched  their  pipes,  while  the  gaping  groundlings 
clutched  their  greasy  jerkins,  both  animated  by  the  same 
feeling  that  oversways  the  modern  audience  at  these  ringing 
prophetic  phrases.  And  then  the  simple  stage  direction, 
"Enter  a  servant:"  the  beginning  of  the  end!  For  sheer 
dramatic  effect  few  passages  in  Shakespeare  surpass  it. 

V 

The  other  persons  in  "Cesare"  may  be  dismissed  in  a  few 
words.  The  Nurse  and  the  Priest  are  simply  the  conven- 
tional lay  figures  of  the  drama  of  the  time,  while  Decimus 
Brutus  seems  to  have  been  included  because  he  happened 
to  be  in  the  histories.  Neither  he  nor  Lenate  possesses  any 
individuality,  and  considered  solely  in  themselves,  contribute 
nothing  of  value  to  this  investigation. 


"CESARE"  IN  ENGLAND 

Pescetti's  work,  tedious  as  it  is  to  the  modern  reader,  was 
not  without  its  attractions  to  the  Elizabethan.  An  age  which 
could  produce  "  Polyolbions "  could  very  well  tolerate  a 
"Cesare."  It  was  cast  in  the  popular  dramatic  form,  dealt 
with  a  popular  theme,  and  above  all,  came  from  a  land  in- 
separably connected  in  the  public  mind  with  romance  and 
tragedy.  To  the  Elizabethan,  "Ex  Italia,  semper  aliquid 
novi . ' '  That  the  work  was  probably  known  to  English  authors 
receives  additional  support  from  the  use  seemingly  made  of 
it  by  Sir  William  Alexander  (Earl  of  Stirling)  in  his  own 
"Tragedy  of  Julius  Caesar." 

Alexander's  work  was  issued  about  1604-7.  Of  it,  Dr.  T.  A. 
Lester  says:  "  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  Alexander  follows 
GreVin,  availing  himself  not  only  of  Grevin's  original  scenes, 
but  also  of  GreVin's  non-Plutarchian  order.  .  .  .  There  can 
be  little  doubt  that  Alexander's  'Julius  Caesar'  is  nothing 
but  GreVin's  'Cesar'  rewritten  and  enlarged."*  Alexander 
followed  GreVin,  but  he  did  so  with  an  admixture  of  Pescetti. 

Prof.  H.  M.  Ayres  claims  that  Alexander  got  his  Prologue 
from  the  Hercules  Furens  of  Seneca,  substituting  Caesar  for 
Hercules  as  the  object  of  Juno's  wrath.  Pescetti's  Prologue 
is  one  of  the  curious  things  about  his  drama.  Such  an  in- 
troduction is  lacking  in  both  Muretus  and  Grevin.f  Possibly 
both  Alexander  and  Pescetti  got  their  idea  from  Seneca,  but 
there  are  parallels  in  content  between  the  two  which  are  only 
faintly  adumbrated  in  the  Latin  author.  Juno's  censure  of 

*  "  Connections  between  the  Drama  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  particularly 
in  the  Elizabethan  Period."  Harvard  Dissertation,  1900  (unpublished),  quoted 
by  Ayres. 

t  Alexander's  Prologue  is  the  first  act  of  the  drama.  Juno  delivers  a  long 
monologue  and  the  chorus  closes  the  act.  In  Muretus,  Caesar  and  the  chorus 
occupy  the  first  act.  In  GreVin,  it  is  Caesar,  Antony  and  the  Chorus  of  Soldiers. 
In  Pescetti,  the  Prologue  is  separate,  but  like  in  Alexander  the  actors  therein- 
do  not  appear  in  the  drama  proper. 

no 


Ill 

Jove's  amours  in  the  Scotchman's  work  bears  a  very  close 
resemblance  to  the  denunciations  of  Venus  as  recorded  by  the 
Italian.  The  threat  of  civil  strife  and  discord  are  found  in 
each.  But  more  important  is  the  fact  that  in  certain  scenes 
lacking  in  Grevin,  there  is  a  close  parallel  between  Alexander 
and  Pescetti. 

Thus,  in  the  dialogue  concerning  Antony,  Pescetti  has: 

Cas. — Parmi  d'avere  scorto  in  Marcantonio 
Disio  di  dominar:  perci6  s'in  tutto 
Vogliam  la  patria  assicurar,  spegniamo 
Anco  lui  col  Tiranno,  e  fuor  degli  occhi 
Tragghiamci  questo  stecco,  che  potrebbe, 
Quando  che  sia,  non  poca  briga  darne. 
Che  tu  sai  ben,  quanto  li  siano  amici 
I  veterani,  e  quanto  acconcio  ei  sia 
Gli  animi  a  concitar  del  volgo  insano. 

Bru. — S'ad  altri,  oltre  al  Tiranno,  darem  morte, 
Si  stimera  dal  volgo,  che  le  cose 
Sempre  stravolge,  e  falsamente  espone, 
Che  non  disio  di  liberar  la  patria, 
Ma  privato  odio,  e  brama  di  vendetta 
A  cid  sospinti  n'abbia,  e  di  quell'opra, 
Onde  da  noi  s'attende  eterna  fama, 
N'acquisterem  vergogna,  e  biasmo  eterno: 
E  dove  nome  di  pietcl  cerchiamo, 
Sarem  del  titol  d'empieta  notati; 
Ne  percid  a  noi  gran  fatto  avrem  giovato: 


In  somma  e'  non  si  deve 
Punir,  chi  non  ha  errato,  e  a  me  non  basta 
L'animo  di  dar  morte  a  chi  nocciuto 
Non  m'ha  ne  fatto  ingiuria. 


Cas. — Bru  to,  tu  se'  troppo  pietoso;  voglia 
II  Ciel,  che  questa  tua  pieta  non  sia 
Un  giorno  a  noi  crudel.     Nel  risanare 
Dall'  ulcere  nascenti  i  corpi  il  ferro, 
E'l  fuoco  oprar  convien,  che  tu  ben  sai, 


112 

Che'l  medico  pietoso  infistolisce 

La  piaga,  e  spesso  tutto  il  corpo  infetta. 

In  the  "Tragedy  of  Julius  Caesar"  we  read: 

Cass. — 

There  is  Antonius,  Caesars  greatest  friend, 
A  man  whose  nature  tyranny  affects, 
Whom  all  the  soldiers  daily  do  attend, 
As  one  who  nought  but  to  command  respects; 

And  in  my  judgment  I  would  thinke  it  best, 

When  sacrific'd  the  proud  usurper  lyes, 

That  this  seditious  enemy  of  rest 

Should  fall  with  him,  with  whom  he  first  did  rise: 

Thus,  of  our  liberty  we  now  may  lay 

A  solid  ground,  which  can  be  shak't  by  none; 


Brut. — I  cannot,  Cassius,  condescend  to  kill, 

(Thus  from  the  path  of  justice  to  decline) 

One  faultlesse  yet,  lest  after  he  prove  ill, 

So  to  prevent  his  guiltinesse  by  mine ; 

No,  no,  that  neither  honest  were,  nor  just, 

Which  rigorous  forme  would  but  the  world  affright, 

Men  by  this  meane,  our  meaning  might  mistrust, 

And  for  a  little  wrong  damne  all  that's  right: 

If  we  do  only  kill  the  common  foe, 

Our  countries  zeale  must  then  acquire  due  praise 

But  if  (like  tyrants)  fiercely  raging  so, 

We  will  be  thought  that  which  we  raze  to  raise ; 

And  where  we  but  intend  to  aide  the  state, 

Though  by  endangering  what  we  hold  most  deare, 

If  slaying  him  (as  arm'd  by  private  hate) 

We  to  the  world  all  partiall  will  appeare. 

Cass. — Well  Brutus,  I  protest  against  my  will, 

From  this  black  cloud,  whatever  tempest  fall, 

That  mercy  but  most  cruelly  doth  kill, 

Which  thus  saves  one,  who  once  may  plague  us  all. 

Page  279  et  seq.,  Glasgow  ed.,  1872. 


H3 

This  is  not  in  GreVin,  neither  is  the  Brutus-Portia  scene. 
Here  again,  there  are  significant  points  of  contact.  Alex- 
ander's whole  handling  of  the  scene  resembles  Pescetti's 
treatment,  while  in  individual  sections  the  parallels  are  almost 
verbal.  Portia's  attitude  throughout  is  reminiscent  of  Pes- 
cetti's delineation.  In  both  dramas  the  conspiracy  is  revealed 
to  her ;  in  both  she  proffers  her  help ;  in  both  she  falls  back  on 
prayer  as  her  best  aid;  in  both  the  failure  of  the  plot  means 
her  self-destruction.*  She  says: 

"Though  nature,  sexe,  and  education  breed 
No  power  in  me,  with  such  a  purpose  even, 
I  must  lend  help  to  this  intended  deed, 
If  vows  and  pray'rs  may  penetrate  the  heaven; 
But  difficulties  huge  my  fancie  findes, 
Nought,  save  the  successe,  can  defray  my  feare: 

'Ah!  fortune  alwayes  frownes  on  worthy  mindes 
As  hating  all  who  trust  in  ought  save  her.' 
Yet  I  despaire  not  but  thou  may'st  prevaile, 
And  by  this  course  to  ease  my  present  grones, 

I  this  advantage  have  which  cannot  faile: 
I'll  be  a  free-man's  wife,  or  else  be  nones: 
For,  if  all  prosper  not  as  we  pretend 

And  that  the  heavens  Romes  bondage  to  decree, 

Straight  with  thy  liberty  my  life  shall  end, 

Who  have  no  comfort  but  what  comes  from  thee; 

My  father  hath  me  taught  what  way  to  dye, 

By  which  if  hindred  from  encountring  death, 

Some  other  meanes,  I  (though  more  strange)  must  try; 

For  after  Brutus,  none  shall  see  me  breathe." 

(Tragedy  of  Julius  Caesar,  pp.  268-69,  Vol.  2,  Glasgow  edition,  1872.) 
In  Pescetti  Portia  says: 

"  Piu  volentier  la  man  di  ferro  contra 

II  Tiranno  armerei,  che  di  preghiere 

La  lingua,  e'l  cuor:  ma  poiche  ci6  mi  niega 

II  sesso  mio,  con  quel  ch'a  me  conviensi 

E  lice,  aiuterd  la  santa  impresa." — Ces.,  p.  32. 

*  Of  the  above  only  the  fact  that  the  conspiracy  was  revealed  to  her  is  re- 
corded by  Plutarch  in  this  connection. 


H4 

"  Ite,  6  forti,  ite  6  saggi,  te  6  de  gli  alti 
Lenaggi,  onde  scendete,  degni;  il  Cielo 
Secondi  i  desir  vostri :  Scorga,  e  regga 
Benigno  i  piedi,  e  le  man  vostre  Giove, 
Tu  vedi,  6  Porzia,  in  che  periglio  posta 
Del  tuo  consorte  la  salute  sia. 
Or  di  mestier  t'6  preparar  il  petto 
A  colpi  della  morte,  s'egli  avviene, 
Che'l  Ciel  (sia  lunge  ogni  sinistro  augurio) 
Contrasti  a  generosi  suoi  disegni. 
O  libera  convien,  che  viva,  6  chiugga 
Con  glorioso  fin  degno  del  padre, 
E  del  marito  tuo  la  vita:  In  questa 
Luce  di  padre  libero  venisti, 
Et  a  marito  libero  congiunta 
Vivesti,  ch'ambo  altieramente  amaro 
Di  piu  tosto  morir,  che  viver  servi: 
Si  che  di  spirti  generosi,  e  maschi 
Anna  il  femminil  petto,  e'l  cuor  rinforza; 
Onde  con  fin  del  nascimento  degno, 
E  della  vita  tua  la  vita  chiuda." — Pp.  33-34. 

She  says  to  Brutus: 

"  Dell'  amor,  ch'io  ti  porto,  ancor  potuto 
Non  ho  farti  ben  chiaro?     E  tu  mi  stimi 
Si  poco  amante,  ch'io  potessi  senza 
T£  star  un  ora  in  vita?" — P.  50. 

"Or  tu  non  sai 

Quanto  sovente  a  generosi  sforzi 
Soglia  fortuna  ingiuriosa  opporsi?" — P.  49. 

Following  his  lofty  response  she  says: 

"Tuttavia,  benche  let*  non  vinca  mai, 
Impedisce  sovente  i  suoi  disegni." — P.  49. 

There  is  no  historical  warrant  for  Portia's  contemplated  suicide 
at  this  time.  In  both  dramas  Brutus'  reply  is  the  same  in 
content: 

*  Fortune. 


H5 

"  Do  not  defraud  the  world  of  thy  rare  worth, 
But  of  thy  Brutus  the  remembrance  love; 
From  this  fair  prison  strive  not  to  breake  forth, 
Till  first  the  fates  have  forc'd  thee  to  remove." — P.  269. 

In  Pescetti,  Brutus  says: 

"Ma  che  accidente  pensi  tu,  che  possa 
Addivenir,  ch'armar  contra  te  stessa 
Le  man  ti  stringa,  e  innanzi  tempo  1'alma 
Spigner  del  caro  albergo?" — P.  49. 

"Ma  non  approvo 

Gia  il  tuo  consiglio,  e  pregoti,  per  quanto 
Amor  mi  porti,  ch'  a  si  fiera  voglia 
Dij  del  tuo  petto  bando,  e  1'ora  aspetti 
Prefissa  al  tuo  partir  da  questa  vita." — P.  50. 

Her  "rare  worth"  is  emphasized  by  Brutus: 

"  Ma  non  consentira  Giove,  che  donna 

Si  valorosa,  e  bella,  a  dar  salute 
.     A  mille  altri  atta,  se  medesma  uccida." — P.  52. 

Alexander  also  makes  Cassius  mention  that  Laena  had 
accosted  him,  and  expressed  the  wish  that  his  desires  might 
prosper,  thus  making  Cassius  suspect  the  conspiracy  was 
discovered.  This  parallels  Brutus'  experience  in  Pescetti. 
Decius  refers  to  the  banquet  at  the  house  of  Lepidus  and 
Caesar's  opinions  on  death.  This  is  also  mentioned  in  Pescetti. 
Alexander's  recital  of  Caesar's  perturbation,  as  he  describes 
it  in  soliloquy,  is  too  long  to  quote,  but  it  is  simply  an  echo  of 
Calpurnia's  state  of  mind  as  revealed  in  Pescetti. 

If  we  can  assume  that  Alexander  was  acquainted  with 
Pescetti's  drama,  as  these  parallels  seem  to  indicate,  we  have 
no  reason  for  supposing  that  it  was  unknown  to  the  literati 
of  his  time.  "Cesare"  was  popular  enough  to  go  through 
two  editions  in  Italy.  Alexander  was  a  man  of  wide  reading, 
but  no  more  so  than  was  Ben  Jonson.  Possibly  Alexander 
was  indebted  to  the  latter  for  his  knowledge  of  Pescetti's 


116 

work.*  Alexander's  drama  followed  that  of  Shakespeare. 
If  he  knew  Pescetti's  work  some  few  years  after  the  composi- 
tion of  Shakespeare's  drama,  there  is  no  reason  to  deny  to  Jon- 
son,  the  most  learned  author  of  his  day,  a  prior  acquaintance. 

In  this  connection,  the  hypothesis  advanced  by  Frederick 
Card  Fleay,f  regarding  the  two-part  nature  of  Shakespeare's 
play,  assumes  new  significance.  According  to  him,  "  Julius 
Caesar"  was  originally  written  in  two  parts,  "Caesar's 
Tragedy"  and  "Caesar's  Revenge,"  following  a  custom  of 
the  time,  and  that  through  some  exigency  the  two  were  later 
merged  into  the  play  as  we  now  have  it.  This  is  not  the  place 
to  enter  this  controversy.  Fleay  presents  his  reasons,  and 
among  them  the  fact  that  in  "Julius  Caesar  "  the  name  Antony 
occurs  without  the  h,  contrary  to  Shakespeare's  custom  in 
his  other  plays  wherein  the  name  occurs.  It  may  be  well  to 
suggest  here  that  the  prevalent  fondness  for  Italian  names 
probably  prompted  the  use  of  the  name  as  found  in  Pescetti : 
Antonio  or  Marcantonio.  But  especially  significant  is  Fleay 's 
surmise  that  it  was  Jonson  who  performed  the  merging  of  the 
two  plays,  and  who  is,  therefore,  responsible  for  the  present 
form.  If  this  be  the  case,  it  may  well  be  that  Jonson  intro- 
duced "Cesare"  to  Shakespeare's  notice,  for  notwithstanding 
its  tediousness,  it  was  cast  in  a  form  which  appealed  to  Ben's 
classic  taste.  The  hypothetical  "Tragedy  of  Julius  Caesar" 
could  well  have  been  inspired  by  Pescetti's  drama,  for  the 
first  three  acts  of  "Julius  Caesar"  as  we  have  it  now,  form  a 
satisfactory  dramatic  whole,  and  all  of  Shakespeare's  assumed 
indebtedness  to  the  Italian  is  contained  in  these  three  acts. 

Jonson's  "Sejanus,"  whose  composition  was  probably 
prompted  by  the  popularity  of  Shakespeare's  work  in  the  same 
field,  followed  "Julius  Caesar"  in  1603.  The  friendly  rela- 

*  Alexander,  in  his  younger  days,  travelled  in  France,  Spain  and  Italy. 
He  was  high  in  the  favor  of  James  VI.  of  Scotland  and  accompanied  him  to 
London  in  1603,  where  he  became  an  intimate  of  Prince  Henry.  That  he  was 
well  and  favorably  known  to  the  authors  of  the  day  may  be  inferred  from  the 
dedication  of  a  sonnet  to  him  by  Michael  Dray  ton. 

t  In  Shakespeare  Soc.  Pub.,  1874,  p.  357.  Also  his  Life  of  Shakespeare. 
1886,  p.  215-6. 


H7 

tions  existing  at  this  time  between  the  two  great  dramatists 
is  sufficiently  attested  by  the  fact  that  Shakespeare  was  one 
of  the  actors  in  Jonson's  tragedy.  "Julius  Caesar  "  as  we  now 
have  it  appears  first  in  the  1623  folio;  what  alterations  were 
made  in  the  preceding  twenty  years  are  matters  of  speculation. 
Jonson  was  sufficiently  interested  in  its  success  is  strive  to 
rival  it  along  purely  classic  lines,  while  about  the  only  crit- 
icism of  a  Shakespearean  play  that  we  possess  from  Ben 
deals  with  a  speech  in  "Julius  Caesar."*  It  seems,  therefore, 
within  the  bounds  of  probability  that  Jonson  may  have 
introduced  "Cesare"  to  Shakespeare's  notice. 

There  were,  however,  other  means  whereby  Shakespeare 
may  have  become  acquainted  with  "Cesare."  Much  as  we 
know  of  his  wonderful  age,  we  do  not  even  now  realize  its 
vast  and  all-embracing  activities,  especially  in  literature. 
Translations  by  the  score  were  made  from  the  Italian. f 
Plagiarism,  especially  from  foreign  sources,  was  rampant; 
nor  was  such  plagiarism  decried,  t  Shakespeare  may  not  have 
known  Italian,  yet  the  evidence  to  the  contrary  is  steadily 
growing  stronger.  Italian  was  the  fashion  in  his  day;  many 
of  his  colleagues  had  travelled  in  Italy;  many  knew  the 
language.  His  patron,  Southampton,  spoke  Italian  fluently, 
while  among  his  guests  Italian  scholars  were  conspicuous. 

*  The  allusion  to  the  phrase  Act  III,  Sc.  I. 

"Know,  Caesar  doth  not  wrong,  nor  without  cause 

Will  he  be  satisfied." 
This  originally  stood: 

"Caesar  did  never  wrong  but  with  just  cause  "  and  is  ridiculed  by  Jonson  in 
his  "Discoveries."  It  is  quite  likely  that  the  Caesar  in  the  play  as  originally 
written  was  an  even  more  self-important  individual  than  he  is  at  present. 
Possibly  Shakespeare  saw  no  absurdity  in  the  line  when  he  first  penned  it. 
Caesar,  in  his  own  estimation,  is  semi-divine.  The  cause  of  things  is  in  his 
will.  What  might  seem  wrong  to  the  mob  was  not  so  to  Caesar,  for  he  felt  that 
the  cause  was  just,  no  matter  what  the  world  thought.  That  was  sufficient. 
The  apparent  contradiction  in  terms  thus  seems  capable  of  explanation. 

t  Appendix  to  Vol.  IV  of  the  Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature, 
Also  M.  A.  Scott,  Elizabethan  Translations  from  the  Italian.  Mod.  Lang. 
Assoc.  Pub.,  X.  to  XIV.,  1895-99. 

t  Sidney  Lee,  The  French  Renaissance  in  England,  1910.  Phoebe  Sheavyn, 
The  Literary  Profession  in  the  Elizabethan  Age,  1909. 


Amid  such  surroundings  it  is  well-nigh  inconceivable  that 
Shakespeare  failed  to  come  into  intimate  contact  with  the  Ital- 
ian literature  of  the  day.  Recent  research  renders  it  almost 
positive  that  he  not  only  did,  but  that  he  was  sufficiently 
versed  in  the  language  to  read  the  literature  in  the  original 
tongue.  We  marvel  at  his  intimate  descriptions  of  Italian 
life,  explicable,  apparently,  only  on  the  supposition  that  he 
was  an  eye-witness  of  the  scenes  he  describes.  We  wonder 
at  the  familiarity  with  Italian  authors  evident  upon  a  close 
examination  of  his  work.  Brandes,  in  his  study  of  Othello* 
calls  attention  to  several  portions  of  that  drama,  which  both 
in  content  and  expression,  form  too  close  a  parallel  to  the 
Italian  of  Ariosto  and  Berni  to  be  accidental.  More  recently, 
Professor  Carlo  Segref  has  pointed  to  places  in  Othello  ex- 
plicable only  upon  the  supposition  that  Shakespeare  was 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  Italian  version  of  Cinthio. 

"Segre  disagrees  with  Sidney  Lee,  who  avers  that  Shake- 
speare borrowed  from  Italian  sources,  only  bare  outlines  and 
general  ideas  which  lent  themselves  to  his  scheme,  and  that 
these  in  his  masterly  hands  were  so  arranged  and  recon- 
structed as  to  be  almost  unrecognizable.  In  Segr6's  opinion, 
Shakespeare  studied  the  Italian  literature,  not  only  with  the 
analysis  of  a  man  of  letters,  but  also  with  the  careful  attention 
and  open  mind  of  a  poet,  for  the  benefit  he  drew  from  these 
sources  was  chosen  with  consummate  art  and  critical  skill, 
according  to  what  seemed  most  useful  to  him  in  the  exercise 
of  his  marvellous  gifts. "t  As  we  have  seen,  Shakespeare's 
procedure  with  "Cesare"  differed  in  no  essentials  from  his 
usual  method. 

Even  if  Shakespeare  knew  no  Italian,  it  was  still  possible 
for  him  to  become  fairly  familiar  with  "Cesare."  Shake- 
speare was  a  dramatist  because  the  drama  was  profitable. 

*  Shakespeare:  A  Critical  Study,  George  Brandes — London,  William  Heine- 
man,  1902,  p.  444-45. 

t  "Relazioni  Litterarie  fra  Italia  e  Inglilterra,"  Florence,  1911.  Reviewed 
in  article,  "  The  Italian  Sources  of  Othello,"  by  Ethel  M.  de  Fonblanque,  Fort- 
nightly Review,  Nov.,  1911,  p.  907. 

t  Ethel  M.  de  Fonblanque  in  Fortnightly  Review,  Nov.,  1911. 


H9 

Like  a  keen  playwright,  he  studied  the  taste  of  his  public. 
The  story  of  Caesar  was  no  new  one  to  theatre-goers.  Other 
plays  on  the  subject  had  met  with  success.  The  chronicle 
history  had  had  its  day,  and  with  its  waning  popularity 
Shakespeare  turned  to  that  hazy,  romantic  epoch  in  history 
when  Rome  was  mistress  of  the  world ;  for  in  his  day  Rome's 
name  still  loomed  large  in  the  imagination  of  mankind. 
The  great  dramatist  never  scrupled  to  appropriate  the  efforts 
of  others,  when,  by  the  transforming  power  of  his  genius,  he 
might  use  them  to  further  the  success  of  his  own  work.  The 
more  we  know  of  the  Elizabethan  world,  the  more  modern 
it  seems  to  us.  No  doubt,  in  those  days  as  in  these,  theatrical 
managers  were  ever  on  the  lookout  for  promising  material. 
Perhaps  Jonson  did  not  introduce  "Cesare"  to  his  notice,  yet 
what  was  to  prevent  Shakespeare's  employing  lowly  but 
learned  hacks  to  investigate  plays  or  other  works,  both  native 
and  foreign,  which  promised  to  provide  adequate  material 
for  his  own  dramas?  There  is  nothing  startlingly  novel  in 
this  assumption,  although  it  seems  to  have  been  overlooked 
in  the  discussions  concerning  the  poet's  linguistic  knowledge. 
It  had  been  done  before;  it  was  done  afterwards.  Association 
and  collaboration  were  common.  What  one  man  lacked 
another  supplied.  Why  did  Henslowe,  in  1602,  commission 
Munday,  Drayton,  Webster,  Middleton,  and  "the  rest," 
to  write  a  "sesers  falle"?  Why  so  many  to  write  one  play? 
No  doubt  many  an  old  drama  was  ransacked  for  material, 
many  an  ancient  source  laid  under  contribution,  many  a  verbal 
jewel  or  entire  scene  torn  from  its  setting  to  grace  the  new 
production.  Shakespeare,  employing  scholarly  searchers, 
who  brought  to  his  notice  whatever  they  considered  valuable 
in  the  material  they  investigated,  had  no  need  of  knowing 
various  languages.  He  wanted  the  ideas;  his  imagination 
provided  the  rest. 

There  was  no  lack  of  books.  The  late  Professor  J.  Churton 
Collins,  in  his  consideration  of  Shakespeare  as  a  classical 
scholar,  says :  "The  collection  of  books  was  not  only  the  fashion, 
but  the  passion  of  the  age.  His  friend  Ben  Jonson  had  one 
of  the  finest  private  libraries  in  England,  so  had  Camden  and 


I2O 

Cotton,  and  their  liberality  in  lending  books  was  proverbial. 
He  could  have  had  books  from  the  library  of  Southhampton 
and  through  Southhampton  from  the  libraries  of  others  of 
the  nobility.  The  magnificent  collection  of  Parker  at 
Lambeth  would  have  been  open  to  him,  as  well  as  the  collection 
at  Gresham  College.  There  was  the  Queen's  library  at  White- 
hall, well  stored  according  to  Hentzner,  who  visited  it  in  1598, 
with  Greek,  Latin,  Italian,  and  French  books.  What  after- 
wards formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Bodleian  at  Oxford,  which 
contains,  by  the  way,  an  Aldine  Ovid,  with  his  name  in  auto- 
graph, to  all  appearances  genuine,  on  the  title-page,  was 
during  the  last  decade  of  the  sixteenth  century  almost  within 
a  stone's  throw  of  the  Black  Friars  Theatre."* 

*  "  Studies  in  Shakespeare." 


CONCLUSION 

To  claim  that  Pescetti's  drama  possesses  any  intrinsic 
attraction  for  the  modern  reader  would  be  straining  truth  in 
the  interest  of  zeal.  It  is  doubtful  whether  it  ever  attained 
the  dignity  of  a  stage  representation;  the  least  regard  for  the 
patience  of  humanity  prompts  the  hope  that  it  never  was 
inflicted  upon  an  audience.  Too  often,  throughout  its  toil- 
some progress,  "Declamation  roars  while  Passion  sleeps." 
Pescetti  attempted  to  individualize  his  major  characters,  yet 
we  miss  the  life  which  throbs  in  Shakespeare's  pages;  all  too 
frequently  the  passionate  utterances  of  real  men  and  women 
are  sunk  in  the  frigid  rhetoric  of  book-born  puppets.  Still 
while  it  was  not  given  to  Pescetti  to  scale  Olympus,  he  at 
least  glimpsed  the  path.  His  drama  is  true  to  the  traditions 
of  its  type ;  in  some  ways  it  marks  an  advance  over  its  prede- 
cessors. While  the  English  drama,  freed  from  the  shackles 
of  convention,  buoyed  by  the  exuberant  spirit  of  a  conscious 
nationalism,  followed  the  Zeitgeist  to  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  achievement,  Italian  tragedy,  misled  by  the  ignis  fatuus 
of  a  false  classicism,  floundered  ever  more  helplessly  and 
hopelessly  in  the  depths  of  the  Senecan  morass. 

Pescetti  has  most  of  the  faults  of  his  contemporaries,  but 
in  a  few  respects  he  rises  superior  to  many  of  his  predeces- 
sors. His  work  is  free  from  their  revolting  horrors;  he 
shows  a  true  perception  of  the  dramatic  possibilities  of  his 
material;  he  arranges  his  subject  matter  with  a  proper  re- 
gard for  dramatic  effect,  even  though  he  well-nigh  stifles 
his  plot  under  an  avalanche  of  words.  He  dares  attempt 
what  Symonds*  scarcely  believed  possible;  to  portray  upon 

*  In  his  discussion  of  the  state  of  the  Italian  drama  during  the  sixteenth 
century,  Symonds  says:  "At  the  same  time,  we  may  question  whether  the 
Despots  would  have  welcomed  tragic  shows  which  dramatized  their  deeds  of 
violence;  whether  they  would  have  suffered  the  patriotism  of  a  Brutus,  the 
vengeance  of  Virginius,  the  plots  of  Catiline,  or  the  downfall  of  Sejanus  to  be 

121 


122 

the  Italian  stage  the  patriotism  of  a  Brutus  and  the  down- 
fall of  a  tyrant. 

But  what  renders  this  long-forgotten  work  of  special  interest 
to  the  modern  reader  is  the  probability  of  its  relation  to 
"Julius  Caesar";  a  probability  which  the  preceding  investi- 
gation has  sought  to  confirm.  It  seems  that  "Cesare" 
furnished  the  greatest  dramatist  of  the  age  with  hints  which 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  employ.  It  deserves  recognition 
because  here,  for  the  first  time,  we  find  individual  scenes  which 
appear  later  in  "Julius  Caesar."  Here  for  the  first  time  in 
any  extant  drama  on  this  subject,  we  find  the  debate  (in  its 
extended  form)  concerning  the  contemplated  murder  of 
Antony.  In  "Cesare,"  Portia  for  the  first  time  enters  the 
action,  while  Brutus  is  shown  in  his  domestic  relations  in  a 
manner  suggestive  of  Shakespeare's  treatment.  Here,  for 
the  first  time,  the  omens  and  prodigies  find  a  prominent  place 
in  the  drama,  while  the  significance  of  the  Caesar-Lena  episode 
receives  its  first  recognition.  All  these  scenes  appear  later 
in  "Julius  Caesar,"  accompanied  by  individual  touches 
peculiar  alone  to  the  Italian  dramatist. 

Muretus  and  Grevin  both  include  in  their  dramas  the  debate 
concerning  Antony.  But  Pescetti  seems  to  have  had  a  better 
idea  of  its  dramatic  value,  for  not  only  is  his  treatment  of  this 
significant  episode  far  more  comprehensive,  but  he  includes 
matter  purely  his  own,  which,  both  in  form  and  content,  is 
so  similar  to  its  dramatic  counterpart  in  "Julius  Caesar"  as 
to  render  the  supposition  of  accidental  coincidence  highly 
improbable. 

In  his  delineation  of  Brutus,  Pescetti  continued  the  exal- 
tation of  the  character,  begun  by  Plutarch  and  introduced  into 
the  Renaissance  drama  by  Muretus.  In  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  Italian  dramatist  openly  courted  the  favor  of  the  ruler 
of  Ferrara,  his  treatment  of  the  assassin  of  the  Duke's  great 
ancestor  is  surprising.  Pescetti  could  have  found  many 

displayed  with  spirit-stirring  pomp  in  the  theatres  of  Milan  and  Ferrara,  when 
conspiracies  like  that  of  Olgaiti  were  frequent."  John  Addington  Symonds, 
"  The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  Italian  Literature,"  Vol.  II.,  p.  1 19.  Henry  Holt  & 
Co.,  1888. 


123 

things  in  his  sources  which  would  have  detracted  from  the 
moral  excellence  of  his  Brutus,  but  he  ignores  them,  and  por- 
trays his  protagonist  along  the  same  lines  as  his  great  con- 
temporary. Therefore  Shakespeare  found  nothing  in  Pescetti 
to  induce  him  to  change  his  conception  of  the  character. 

The  Brutus-Portia  scenes  in  "Cesare"  mark  the  first  in- 
troduction of  this  material  in  any  drama  on  the  same  subject. 
Pescetti  portrays  Brutus  in  his  domestic  relations  along  the 
lines  later  adopted  by  Shakespeare,  and  adds  touches  not 
traceable  to  Plutarch,  yet  included  in  "Julius  Caesar." 

Inasmuch  as  Pescetti  dedicated  his  tragedy  to  Alfonso 
D'Este,  whom  he  hails  in  his  preface  as  Caesar's  reincarnation, 
we  naturally  would  expect  a  delineation  of  the  titular  character 
cast  in  the  most  heroic  mould.  Yet,  whatever  the  inten- 
tion, the  fulfillment  seems  the  very  antipode  of  the  promise. 
The  Caesar  of  Pescetti  appears  the  same  weak,  vacillating, 
boastful  figute  that  in  Shakespeare  has  so  puzzled  his  critics, 
and  who  occupies  in  the  drama  the  same  position  of  relative 
inferiority  assigned  to  him  in  "Julius  Caesar." 

Pescetti  was  the  first  dramatist  of  Caesar's  fortunes  to 
realize  the  dramatic  value  of  a  supernatural  background. 
He  presents  the  ghost  of  Pompey  as  the  exciting  force  on  his 
Brutus ;  Shakespeare  introduced  the  ghost  of  Caesar  to  herald 
his  doom.  In  his  attempted  distribution  of  the  omens  and 
prodigies,  the  Italian  seems  to  have  anticipated  Shakespeare's 
similar  but  vastly  superior  treatment.  With  a  single  puzzling 
exception,  he  mentions  all  the  portents  later  used  by  Shake- 
speare, and  adds  many  more  culled  from  the  classic  authors. 
Shakespeare  includes  among  the  omens  several  not  mentioned 
by  Plutarch ;  to  obtain  these  he  had  no  occasion  to  go  beyond 
Pescetti. 

The  Italian  seemed  to  realize  the  dramatic  value  of  suspense, 
and  uses  this  device  twice  in  a  manner  almost  exactly  parallel 
to  that  of  Shakespeare.  Like  the  Cassius  of  Shakespeare,  the 
Decimus  Brutus  of  Pescetti  raises  a  doubt  as  to  Caesar's 
attending  the  session  of  the  Senate,  and  the  introduction  of 
this  element  of  suspense  paves  the  way  for  his  ultimate  per- 
suasion of  the  Dictator.  In  Shakespeare's  play  the  episode 


124 

performs  the  same  office.  But  more  significant  is  Pescetti's 
employment  of  the  Caesar-Lena  scene,  which  in  word  and 
thought  constitute  a  very  close  parallel  to  the  same  scene 
as  it  stands  in  "Julius  Caesar." 

"Cesare"  seems  to  shed  new  light  upon  the  much  discussed 
question  of  Shakespeare's  indebtedness  to  Appian,  for  the 
historical  matter  supposedly  derived  by  the  great  poet  from 
the  English  translation  of  the  history  can  be  found  in  the 
Italian  drama,  and  reappears  later  in  "Julius  Caesar,"  ac- 
companied by  touches  peculiar  alone  to  Pescetti's  treatment* 
The  resemblance  between  these  portions  of  the  Italian's 
work  and  the  corresponding  parts  in  the  English  drama,  is 
far  stronger  than  their  similarity  to  their  hitherto  supposed 
source. 

Pescetti's  minor  figures  are  hardly  suggestive  of  Shake- 
speare's vivid  portraits,  but,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  the 
significant  speech  which  he  assigns  to  Calpurnia  furnishes  the 
most  striking  parallel  between  the  two  plays. 

When  Cicero  said : 

"  But  men  may  construe  things  after  their  fashion, 
Clean  from  the  purpose  of  the  things  themselves," 

he  uttered  a  truism  which  might  well  serve  us  a  warning  to  all 
critics,  especially  those  of  Shakespeare.  But  the  great  poet 
often  builded  better  than  he  knew.  Shakespeare  to  us  is 
what  we  can  get  from  him.  Because  Pescetti  was  no  Shake- 
speare is  no  reason  for  interpreting  his  efforts  in  an  unkindlier 
spirit.  His  critics  have,  however,  judged  him  by  his  fellows; 
often,  apparently,  without  reading  him.  We  cannot  attempt 
to  measure  his  influence  in  his  own  day  by  our  modern  stand- 
ards. What  is  tedious  to  us  was  not  necessarily  so  to  the 
Elizabethans.  It  may  be  well  to  remember  that  even  among 
Shakespeare's  contemporaries  the  Senecan  drama  had  its 
advocates.*  There  are  few  purple  patches  in  "Cesare"  to 
catch  the  eye  of  the  romantic  dramatist ;  probably  as  a  tragedy t 
Pescetti's  drama  had  as  little  attraction  for  Shakespeare  as 

*"The  Monarchicke  Tragedies"  of  Alexander  by  1617  had  gone  through 
three  editions,  besides  several  single  quartos. 


125 

it  has  for  us.  But  to  a  dramatist  who  never  scrupled  to  ap- 
propriate suitable  material  wherever  he  could  find  it,  "  Cesare" 
must  have  appeared  well  worth  investigation.  It  presented, 
in  convenient  dramatic  form,  material  which  served  to  supple- 
ment his  own  selections  from  the  scattered  pages  of  Plutarch. 
With  the  sure  perception  of  genius  the  great  poet  took  from 
the  Italian  the  matter  best  suited  to  his  purpose  and  discarded 
the  rest. 

It  is  for  this  reason  that  "  Cesare  "  is  worthy  of  notice.  It  is 
for  this  reason  that  the  obscure  pedagogue  of  Verona,  whose 
pedantic  personality  lay  buried  beneath  the  controversial 
debris  of  three  centuries,  deserves  to  stand  to-day  among  that 
humbler  brotherhood  whom  association  with  our  greatest 
dramatist  has  preserved  for  the  curious  admiration  of  the 
literary  world. 


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